Antique Vs Art- Burma

Drawings from the Burmese court at Mandalay

2011-09-26T22:33:00.003+08:00

Album of 48 drawings, 1853-1885. Mandalay, Burma. Museum no. IS.136-2009. A robed Brahmin priest (Poona) of the court holding a conch shell and fan.
Height 37.2 cm x width 23.5 cm.
Acquired with support from The Art Fund and The Friends of the V&A

Album of 48 drawings, 1853-1885. Mandalay, Burma. Museum no. IS.136-2009. Wife of a King's Merchant. In front of her are arranged objects appropriate to her rank: a betel nut stand (containing four small vessels) and three other containers. Height 37.2 cm x width 23.5 cm.
Acquired with support from The Art Fund and The Friends of the V&A

Album of 48 drawings, 1853-1885. Mandalay, Burma. Museum no. IS.136-2009. Princely figure on throne (Chobwa) accompanied by his insignia of rank: umbrella, sword on stand, large container for betel nut and other vessels. Height 37.2 cm x width 23.5 cm.
Acquired with support from The Art Fund and The Friends of the V&A

This rare album of 48 paintings depicts a range of officials and their wives from the last Burmese court at Mandalay (1853-1885). Included are grades of court officials, high ranking army officers, princes and other significant court figures of the time, including Brahmin priests, together with representatives of regional ethnic groups such as Shans. Costumes are carefully and sensitively depicted and each figure is also accompanied by his or her insignia of rank such as swords, musical instruments and betel nut containers. It is likely that the album was created on the orders of a European visitor using local court artists, and an inscription on the fly leaf reads '48 drawings each cost 5 Rs '.

The album not only provides a rare and revealing window onto a now vanished royal court but significantly illustrates and enhances the V&A's existing unique collection of 19th century Burmese court costume and regalia. Several illustrations relate directly to the dress pieces and other insignia in the collection.

The album was collected by Robert Hoe during his lifetime (1839-1909) and bears his bookplate. This American businessman was an art collector and first president of the Grolier Club, a New York society devoted to the promotion of bookmaking as an art. It was later acquired by Doris Duke the renowned collector of South East Asian art who collected Thai and Burmese objects during the 1960s.

Ancient Arakan by Pamela Gutman

2011-07-10T21:03:00.000+08:00

Title:	Ancient Arakan
Authors:	Gutman, Pamela The Australian National University Department of Asian Civilisations
Keywords:	Arakan Burma eastern India Arakanese culture inscriptions Sanskrit Pali Pyu copper-plate votive inscriptions coinage kingship Buddhist and Hindu images monuments cultural history art and architecture east Bengal
Issue Date:	2008
Description:	The early history of Arakan has been generally considered to be that of a province of eastern India, and hence its study has been neglected by both Indian and Southeast Asian historians. This dissertation seeks to examine the dynamics of the history from the beginnings of urbanization until the rise of the Burmese empire which subsequently dominated Arakanese culture. The first chapter deals with the geographical and ethnolinguistic background to the development of the earliest cities. In the second, all the inscriptions of the period, in Sanskrit, Pali and Pyu are catalogued and edited. The inscriptions issued by the kings establish a chronology for the period and illustrate the nature of the cult surrounding the institution of kingship, while copper-plate and votive inscriptions elucidate the nature of state organisation and the popular religion. Chapter Three deals with the coinage which emerged following the development of a centralised economy, and discusses the impetus for this and the role of the king on whom the prosperity of the country depended. A comparison with similar coin types in Southeast Asia is made and the catalogue includes all the coins yet discovered. The sites of the most important monuments are discussed in Chapter Four, which catalogues all the architectural and sculptural remains. A comparative analysis of the Buddhist and Hindu images and of the minor arts reveals, to a greater extent that do the inscriptions, the nature of contact with India and the rest of Southeast Asia. The conclusion deals with the political and cultural history which thus emerges, examining in detail the rationale behind the development of the concept of divine kingship in Arakan.
URI:	http://hdl.handle.net/1885/47122 http://digitalcollections.anu.edu.au/handle/1885/47122
Appears in Collections:	ANU Digital Theses

Arakan, a Buddhist Kingdom of Southeast Asia

2011-07-04T09:03:00.002+08:00

It's not easy to collect information, record and thesis regarding about history and culture of Arakanese in Burma. In my personal point of view, there are only a few scholar that they are willing to public in Myanmar language. Therefore, when I study about Arakanese history and historical art objects, most of references are from foreign sources that done by foreigner. I would like to share one of the best talk by Jacques Leider which is full of resources and knowledges. It would be most appreciates that you comments something for this talk.

Original Link @ http://www.intgcm.thehostserver.com/diary2002_230th.html
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230th Meeting – Tuesday, November 26th 2002
Arakan, a Buddhist Kingdom of Southeast Asia
A talk by Jacques Leider

Present: Dianne Barber-Riley, Mark Barber-Riley, John Cadet, Kate Callahan, Bill Dovhey, Roshan Dhunjibhoy, Leo A. Von Geuson, Peer Hijmans, Carole Hernandez, Otomi Hutheesing, Maggie McKerron, Ranee Lertleumal, Brian Migliazza, John Moncreif, Niels Mulder, Nicole Ngo, Mark Osborne, Pierre Quartier, Emmanuelle Richaud, Ian Ross, David Steane, Duang Tan Le, Alix Txe, Michael Vickery, Ricky Ward, Arthur Wright. An audience of 26.
The full text of Jacques Leider’s talk.

1. The geographical setting and the population
Starting on Bangladesh’s eastern border, Arakan covers the stretch of land which runs south to Cap Negrais where we reach Lower Burma. Arakan's heartland is the fertile plains of the Kaladan and the Lemro River running in a north-south direction towards the Bay of Bengal.

The classic Pali name of this area is Dhanyawati, which means rich in grain, and indeed, rice cultivation has always been the backbone of Arakan's economy. A striking feature seen on any topographic map is the mountain barrier which separates Arakan from the Irrawaddy valley. This is the Arakan Yoma running down from the Himalayas in a north-south direction. It is a mountain range densely covered with jungle forest. Passes crossing the Yoma were few and they needed to be cleared, roads had to be repaired and taken care of annually. Monsoon rains in Arakan are among the heaviest in the whole of Southeast Asia and can reach a level of over 5 metres or 16 feet per year. Climatic conditions render coastal navigation difficult for many months of the year. Nonetheless, when you are in Arakan it is easier to go to Bengal than to Burma. The study of Arakan's history and culture can only be undertaken if we pay attention to its close connection with Burma, Bengal and India at large.

Who are the contemporary inhabitants of Arakan? Like everywhere else in Myanmar, we face a complex situation. The so-called Arakanese nowadays form the majority of Arakan's multi-ethnic population. They are a Tibeto-Burman group closely related to the Burmese and they speak a Burmese dialect with archaic features when you compare it with the modern Burmese language. Scholars generally consider that the Burmese settled in the Kyaukse area in Upper Burma during the ninth century AD. So the Arakanese may either have arrived earlier or roughly around the same time, being merely a branch of the Burmese in ethno-linguistic terms.

Hill tribes like the Mro, the Daingnak, the Kami and the Cak are Tibeto-Burman as well and likely settled in the country before the arrival of the Rakhine-tha, as the Arakanese call themselves. The British annexed Arakan after the First Anglo-Burmese War (1824-1826). During the early colonial period, there was a heavy influx of Muslim Indian labour, coming mainly from Chittagong. This led to a demographic imbalance, notably in the border areas with Bengal where, since the 1920s, the Indian Muslims formed an overwhelming majority of the population. This situation led to communal and political problems that have not been solved up to now. It is possible that the Muslim population of Indian origins now forms roughly a third of Arakan's population.

2. Early History of the Kaladan and Lemro valley (Central Arakan)
The early history of Arakan is still largely a blank spot on our map of Southeast Asian history and has as yet not attracted sufficient scholarly attention. While many studies have been dedicated to the Indianization of Southeast Asia by way of the sea, there has been barely any effort to understand the connection by land between India and Burma. Arakan is obviously one of the frontiers between South Asia and Southeast Asia and thus should recommend itself as an interesting field of study. The land connection involves for example the question of how Indian Buddhism expanded into Burma and what forms of exchange and communication between Burma and India passed by the land route, i.e. through Arakan.

Our actual knowledge of the early history of Arakan is restricted to the Upper Kaladan valley. Traces of settlement in this area go back to the 2nd century AD. Attention of local scholars and archaeologists has focused on the site of Vesali where excavations were undertaken only twenty years ago. It is probable that Vesali was for some time the centre of a local chiefdom that flourished between the 4th and the 8th century AD. Our knowledge of the civilization of Vesali is based on the archaeological evidence of the foundations of brick buildings, a city wall and a surrounding moat, on iconography, and coins bearing the srivatsa symbol and occasionally the name of a king.

In terms of political and dynastic history, our most precious source is a list of kings given on the so called Anandacandra stone pillar placed near the Shit-taung pagoda in Mrauk U, the later capital. Besides a succession of legendary kings, the Anandacandra inscription contains a list of kings who reigned between the fourth and the seventh centuries AD. They all bear titles which included the name of Candra. These Candra kings were very likely related to the Candra dynasty of Harikela in southeast Bengal.

Hinayana and Mahayana forms of Buddhism and possibly Brahmanism coexisted in Vesali. We can only speculate on the population of this early kingdom. It is reasonable to assume that they were of Aryan stock and probably mixed with a local Tibeto-Burman population. At what time exactly the Arakanese or Rakhaing as they call themselves, immigrated and settled in Arakan is, as I previously said, a matter of further research, but it could be tentatively dated to the 8th or early 9th centuries AD. Were there any Mon in this area? Do Pyu coins found in Arakan suggest that there were Pyu people living in Arakan? We do not know. The problem is similar to the one we face elsewhere in Southeast Asia, for example the arrival and progressive settlement of the Thai people in the river plains of Thailand. Did they conquer the country? Did they peacefully mix with the already established population? Did they arrive by waves or they trickle down south? And so on. As for Arakan, we simply do not know.

Local dynastic lists, as found in the Arakanese chronicles, reach back to a legendary king Marayu who would have lived in the 3rd millennium BC. The strong feeling of religious identity of the Buddhist Arakanese has developed around the myth of the Mahamuni statue. According to Pamela Gutman, an Australian scholar who did research on the early Arakanese history, the Mahamuni is a statue of the Buddha, probably Mahayanist, and dating back to the 4th to 6th century AD. For most Arakanese, though, it is an unshakeable article of faith that during the lifetime of Lord Buddha,

King Candasuriya of Arakan invited the Buddha to Arakan. The Enlightened One flew through the air and descended on Mount Selagiri near the modern Kyauktaw village where King Candasuriya requested the favour of having a true to life copy made of the Buddha. The veneration of the Mahamuni by the Arakanese and the importance of this paragon statue for the Arakanese monarchy for centuries is next only to the prestige and the status of the Phra Kaew in Thailand. In one way or another, the Arakanese have always ascribed a magical power to the sheer presence of the Mahamuni statue on their soil and so the fate of their kingdom was, in their perception, intimately linked to the statue. In 1785, the Burmese, led by the son of King Bodawphaya, conquered Arakan and deported the statue to Upper Myanmar.

The history of Arakan from the 9th to the 13th centuries AD is still hidden in the dark. It is generally referred to as the Lemro period. Lemro means 'four cities' in Arakanese, and indeed this is the period of a succession of four cities whose names were Pin-sa, Pa-rein, Khreip and Laung-krak. Lemro is also the name of the river along which these cities were situated. Apart from the last one of these cities, not much is known of the other ones, where there have been no archaeological excavations at all. There has been as yet no serious study of the chronology of the period. We have at the moment only various dynastic lists whose dates do not match each other.

The greater part of the 14th century, for example, is covered by the reign of a king who is said to have reigned for a total of 106 years (Min Hti 1279-1385).

This period runs parallel to the rise and splendour of Pagan in Upper Myanmar. Tilman Frasch noted that the inscriptions of Pagan contain hardly any useful information regarding Arakan. In the later chronicles, it is said that King Alaungsithu of Pagan invaded Macchagiri, which could possibly be identified with northern Arakan, but even if we accept this evidence, there is little more that could be said about the matter. At least one of the Arakanese chronicles also refers to an intervention of King Alaungsithu, but one can hardly interpret this single fact as a sign of Pagan hegemony.

The study of Bengal's history, too, does not provide hard facts that could, even partly, dispel the mist surrounding Arakan's history during these centuries. As Pagan art and architecture are so much indebted to the Pala art of Bengal, it is not so far fetched though, to believe that there were likely direct contacts made between Upper Myanmar and Bengal which involved Arakan as well. We know very little about the kingdom of Patteikhaya situated in the area of Chittagong and from where King Kyanzittha received a bride.

It is also not so far fetched to consider that Buddhist monks fleeing the progress of the Islamic expansion found a refuge in Arakan and Upper Myanmar, as they did during an earlier period in East Bengal and Assam. Muslim power in Bengal was established in the 13th century, but while the Buddhist university of Nalanda may have died a sudden death, it is likely that Buddhist communities in East Bengal stayed on for a longer period and could have ultimately repaired to Burma and Arakan, where Buddhism was strongly established.

3. The Rise of a Kingdom: Arakan's Age in the Bay of Bengal
The emergence of a kingdom - 15th and early 16th c. (1404-1531)
The mist surrounding Arakan's early history gradually disappears at the end of the 14th century as the historiographical sources, though written later, contain slightly more factual information on the reigns of the kings. We also have various dynastic lists, some references in the Burmese chronicles, coins and a few inscriptions. But much information regarding the early kings of the so-called Mrauk U dynasty is legend and myth. There are clearly facts behind these legends, but to state them in clear terms involves some degree of speculation.

At the end of the 14th century, the political situation in the capital Laung krak had deteriorated and the kings of Ava succeeded in appointing, at least for a few years, a member of their own royal family to the throne of Arakan. In 1406, an army sent by Ava invaded the country, the Arakanese king ran away, and the Burmese appointed a governor. But this man was ejected a few years later when Mon troops sent from Pegu (in Lower Burma) took control over the country.

This situation, when Mon and Burmese kings fought for control over Arakan, lasted until around 1426, when the king who had fled the Burmese invasion twenty years earlier, came back. He came back allegedly with the help of Muslim fighters. As there are no contemporary Bengal sources available, we do not know if these Muslim troops were mercenaries or if they were indeed provided, as an Arakanese chronicler wants us to believe, by the Sultan of Bengal. (Sultan Jalal-ud-din). As these later chronicles contain even more unlikely stories surrounding this king, official support from the Sultan of Bengal is doubtful.

The king we are referring to was Min-co-mwan, who then became king for the second time around 1426. In 1430, he founded the city of Mrauk U, which remained the capital of the Arakanese kingdom until 1785.
The successors of King Man-co-mwan enlarged their territory along the coastline to the north-east and to the south where Mon governors under the authority of Pegu were probably still in charge until the middle of the 15th century.

These Arakanese kings also fought the hill tribes of the Sak in the north. Sak is the name of an ethnic group of northern Arakan which is now very small. I believe that the term as used in the chronicles refers to the Tripuras of Eastern Bengal. Slowly these Arakanese kings grew more confident of their power and were able to deal on a par with their neighbour kings of Ava. In 1454, the Arakanese king met his counterpart from Ava and they agreed on a common border, the watershed of the Arakan Yoma, the mountain range which separates Arakan from Burma.

From the second part of the 15th century on, the Arakanese kings were also taking part in the struggle for the control of the port-city of Chittagong. Their competitors were the Sultan of Bengal, the local Muslim governors and the kings of Tripura. At the end of the 15th century and during the first part of the sixteenth century, Chittagong was the most flourishing port of the sultanate of Bengal. We are rather well informed about the importance of Chittagong, which received its first visitors from Portugal around 1516.

The Portuguese sailors and chroniclers called it Porto Grande and many of them who did not want to live under the control of the Estado da India based in Goa, came to settle there.
In relation to the rest of Bengal, Chittagong was situated somewhat on the periphery. Unsurprisingly this situation allowed its local governors to be relatively independent and the 1521 description of the Portuguese embassy to Bengal clearly demonstrates that a cosmopolitan elite of Muslims coming from the Middle East and Western India unselfconsciously dominated the city.

This point needs to be emphasised as Chittagong lay closer to Arakan than to the greater part of Bengal and when the Arakanese succeeded, three decades later, in firmly controlling the city, it had for them an incomparable strategic advantage and became of major economic importance.

Stepping out of Bengal's shadow (1531-1571)
Up to the early 16th century, the small kingdom of Mrauk U grew in the shadow of the great and prestigious sultanate of Bengal. Under the dynamic reign of King Man Pa (1531-1553), Arakan developed a profile of its own and clearly demonstrated its strength, its pride and its ambitions.

Man Pa attacked southeastern Bengal and probably succeeded in maintaining Arakan's sway over Chittagong for several years. Unfortunately the indigenous sources on Man Pa eulogise the king's military expeditions to a point that makes it rather difficult to say when, and up to where the Arakanese troops actually marched. It probably happened around 1539 or 1540. After this date, the Decadas da Asia of Diogo do Couto, (Portuguese chronicles) are suddenly silent regarding Portuguese activities in the area of Chittagong. On the other hand, the unstable political situation in southeast Bengal, and notably in Chittagong in 1538 and 1539, makes an Arakanese invasion at that time likely.

In 1545/1546, Man Pa successfully resisted a Burmese invasion, by land and by sea, led by the first emperor of the Taungngu dynasty, Mintayashweti or Tabinshweti. We would be going too far to state that the Arakanese won the battle against the Burmese. It was rather their skilful defence system that helped them to dissuade the Burmese from staying in the country. The defence system comprised of a system of dykes and water reservoirs that flooded the surroundings of their capital, and also, the city was defended by an intricate combination of the natural protective shield of the surrounding hills and successive ranges of brick walls, artificial lakes and stonewalls.

According to the Arakanese sources, in 1534 the king also successfully beat off a Portuguese armada. To celebrate his success, he founded, it is said, the Shit-thaung pagoda. This pagoda remains until today the most important sanctuary of Mrauk U and its architecture demonstrates a strong influence of Bengal's 16th century Muslim architecture.
There is no doubt that the invasion of Bengal and the resistance against the Burmese invaders, firmly established the kingdom's reputation in the region. But the confusing account of battles led by Man Pa's successors against Tripura and the local Muslim lords of the Chittagong area shows that Arakan in the middle of the 16th century was only one among several more or less equal competitors. This changed at the end of the 16th century.

The Age of the Warrior Kings (1571-1638)
I have called the decades from 1571 to 1638 the age of the Warrior Kings as war and expansion are the hallmarks of this period. During the successive reigns of three kings, Man Phalaung, Man Rajagri and Man Khamaung, Arakan vastly expanded its territory. During the early seventeenth century it succeeded in controlling the whole coastal strip from the Feni River, far north of Chittagong, down to Cape Mawdin/Negrais, the southwestern tip of Lower Burma. It threatened both Eastern Bengal, which was frequently invaded, and Lower Burma.

In 1576, an important year in Indian history, the troops of the Mughal emperor Akbar conquered Bengal and put an end to the independent sultanate of Bengal. This conquest destabilised the political order in south and eastern Bengal. Afghan Muslim lords fled with their troops to East Bengal, many local lords, Hindu or Muslim, resisted the conquerors, so that despite the annexation, the Mughals had to struggle for three more decades before they really controlled the whole country.

Bengal was weak and the Arakanese kings immediately seized the opportunity to renew their control over Chittagong. This time they maintained their power over the flourishing port-city. From approximately 1578 to 1666, Chittagong was the most important port of trade of Arakan and a pillar of its economic life. The export of locally made textiles, slaves captured from all over Bengal thanks to annual slave-raids, salt, sugar-cane, elephants from Arakan's jungles, and rubies coming over the Arakan Yoma from Ava, ensured a flow of income which the earlier kings had never known. This newly found wealth further stimulated the territorial ambitions of the kings.

In 1580, merely two years after occupying Chittagong, King Man Phalaung successfully resisted a new attempt by the Burmese to conquer Arakan. Bayinnaung, the Burmese Napoleon, the conqueror of Ayutthaya in 1569, failed dismally. The chronicles don't elaborate, but the reasons for this failure were probably the same as the first time. The Arakanese successfully ruined the progress of the Burmese troops who finally negotiated their retreat.

About twenty years later, in 1598, King Man Rajagri, the son of King Man Phalaung, allied himself with the king of Taungngu (in Central Burma) and laid siege to Pegu, the capital of the Burmese empire. Pegu fell. The Burmese emperor Nandabayin, who for over a decade had bled white the rural countryside to conscript men, mostly Mon, into the armies he sent against Siam, was deported to Taungngu and sometime later executed. The Arakanese king, quite rapidly, had returned home with a white elephant, a princess and other members of the royal court of Burma, and thousands of Mon, who were resettled in the Kaladan valley. But when the King of Siam, Naresuan, invaded Lower Burma to get his share of the booty, the Arakanese came to help the King of Taungngu's relatively weak forces. They sent another fleet to cut off the waterways so that the Thais, lacking provisions, were forced to retreat.

Probably around the same time, the Arakanese took advantage of the power vacuum in Lower Burma and occupied the port-city of Syriam, one of the three main Burmese ports integrated in the Bay of Bengal trade network. As the Arakanese king did not feel himself able to revive the flow of trade that had been hit by several years of warfare and severe depopulation, he entrusted Syriam to one of his Portuguese captains, Felipe de Brito y Nicote. De Brito had been in the service of the Arakanese king for twenty years, and now he saw the opportunity to make himself independent. He went to Goa, asked for the help of the Estado da India and returned not only with a daughter of the Vice-king, but also with a promise of future military support. Basically he had to count on his own forces, but in a way he had redeemed himself with regard to the Portuguese crown and with official backing, he could reject the authority of the Arakanese king. In 1602, de Brito was firmly in power, a power based on a bunch of fellow Portuguese countrymen, on alliances with local Mon lords, and probably also on favourable terms to revive the local trade. As a matter of fact, the Arakanese who had hoped to derive some profit from this trade and from the control of Syriam came out as the big losers. In 1605 and 1607, the Arakanese sent fleets and tried to regain control over Syriam, but on both occasions their fleets failed to get the better of the Portuguese artillery and the newly erected stone fortifications. But in 1613, the Burmese troops of the King of Ava successfully attacked Syriam and put an end to de Brito's mini-state. A Portuguese fleet sent from Goa arrived late and could not prevent the disaster. It was unable to help de Brito, who was soon executed by the Burmese, and his surviving men, who were deported to the region of Shwebo in the north. On Arakan's northeastern frontier, the king faced a comparable situation.

On the island of Sandwip lying at the mouth of the Meghna River to the northeast of Chittagong, another Portuguese captain, who, unlike de Brito of Syriam had never been at the service of the Arakanese king, behaved as an independent lord. His name was Sebastiao Tibau and for the Arakanese he was, for a number of years at least, more of an annoyance than a threat.

Just like de Brito, Tibau appealed to Goa for help to maintain his local power. When the fleet sent by Goa to save de Brito in Syriam failed to do so, Tibau called for their help to attack the capital of Arakan and thus take control over the whole country. In 1615, the Goan fleet took the lead in the attack and sailed up the Kaladan River. But as the Arakanese were well prepared and had the support of two Dutch ships, the Portuguese fleet failed dismally. The year 1615 marks the end of more than a decade when Portuguese captains were able to shape events in the region.
These details explain why at the time and for succeeding decades, Portuguese communities still flourished along the coast of the northeastern Bay of Bengal and why Portuguese mercenaries became an essential part of the troops of the Arakanese kings.

Arakan's rise was possible because of the weakness of its neighbours at the end of the 16th century. But in the 1620 and 1630s, the Mughals had full sway over Bengal and a new reinvigorated Burmese kingdom had taken root around the capital of Ava. So any further expansion of Arakan was impossible. Arakan lived under a constant threat by its hostile neighbours, but this threat did not jeopardise Arakan's regional hegemony towards the end of the 17th century.
Contentment and prosperity (1638-1692)
In 1638, a former minister, Narapati, took power and gave rise to a new dynasty on the Arakanese throne. This happened, curiously, in the year 1000 of the Arakanese Era (sakkaraj). The new king spent several years to firmly establish himself on the throne. But this dynastic break did not fundamentally change the policy of the Arakanese kings.
What were the human and material resources that enabled these kings to be what they were and to do what they did?
First of all, one should recall that the valleys of the Kaladan and Lemro rivers are fertile plains for rice culture, and could thus feed a large population. Rice was a staple product that became a major export item during the 17th century.

Secondly, Arakan suffered little from deportations due to invasions, unlike what happened in other parts of Southeast Asia, so that the population may have been growing over the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Nonetheless, the kings of Arakan pursued a keen policy of increasing their demographic base by deporting large numbers of Bengalis from East and South Bengal's countryside. At the end of the sixteenth century, these deportations were probably directly linked to the expansionist designs of the kings, but during the seventeenth century, they were actually at the core of a flourishing slave trade that made Arakan the main 'producer' so to speak for slaves in the Bay of Bengal.

The slave trade as such lay in the hands of the mixed Portuguese community settled in the Chittagong area. With their Arakanese crews, they sailed or rowed up the rivers of Bengal and deported the population of whole villages to Arakan's ports. The policy of the kings was such that all people who had any kind of professional qualification and technical abilities had to join the royal service groups, while all the other unqualified people were sold into slavery.

From the 1620s to the 1660s, many thousands of slaves were bought by the Dutch VOC and deported to Batavia. The Dutch would probably have bought more than they did, but hundreds of slaves often died before they even reached the Dutch ships. Ironically many of these Bengalis caught in East Bengal were sold in a market on the opposite Coromandel coast.

The Arakanese of today do not appreciate when the Burmese refer to their dark complexion as coming from their mixing with Indian blood. There is no doubt though that in the 17th century whole villages in Arakan consisted of Bengalis who were either Muslims or Hindus and worked as lamaing, agricultural service groups, on the lands of the kings.

Thirdly, after the Arakanese conquest, Chittagong maintained its importance as an entrepôt port on the eastern side of the Bay of Bengal. Besides rice and slaves, locally produced goods such as cotton textiles, sugar, salt and betel nuts were exported. As we mentioned, rubies from Upper Burma found their way over the Arakan Yoma mountain range and were exported to India. Arakanese elephants were also exported.

There was no indigenous trader class. Most traders were Muslims from South and Southeast Asia and they created the cosmopolitan atmosphere of Arakan's capital, which was described by Sebastiao Manrique, a Portuguese monk, and Wouter Schouten, a Dutch doctor, in the middle of the 17th century. On the other hand, Dutch sources make it clear that members of the royal house were involved in the export trade. Here lies one of several similarities with Ayutthaya, whose kings also had commercial assets besides their territorial i.e. agricultural wealth. (Similarities: importance of trade for the state, traders-identities, and involvement of the court)

One should not forget that, as a consequence of successful wars and invasions, the kings readily amassed a considerable fortune. One may think for instance of the booty made when Pegu was taken. If we can believe Portuguese and Italian descriptions of the early 17th century, Pegu must have been one of the richest cities in the world at the moment when the first Taungngu Empire was dismembered. One may also think of the royally sanctioned piracy that went on for decades, until the eighteenth century when Arakan lost its prestige as a regional powerhouse, but kept its image of seafaring terror.

Fourthly, the main tool of territorial expansion and defence was the Arakanese navy. In a country where rivers are the most convenient way to go from one place to another, it seems obvious that boats are the principal means of communication. In terms of military power, it was the fleet that was the main instrument of the kings' power. As in Burma, a large part of the population in Arakan was organised in royal service groups. Some would be sweepers, craftsmen, artists or farming the royal rice fields. A lot of them were soldiers and they were living with their families in villages, many of which had originally been founded for the establishment of specific royal service groups. We do not unfortunately have many details about these matters, but the case of the Mons deported in the early seventeenth century becomes rather clear through historiographical and administrative sources.

A sizable number, probably a third of the Arakanese royal forces, were not ethnic Arakanese. Besides the Mon and the Portuguese who have been highlighted, there were also Muslim mercenaries in Arakan. Some Afghan lords may have fled with their men to Arakan after the Mughal conquest of Bengal in 1576. Well educated Muslims also gained high positions at the court of Arakan. Some of them had earlier been captured by Arakanese fleets on the high seas and deported to Arakan.

The fleet manned by all these men counted several hundred and even thousands of boats and ships. Portuguese and Dutch sources do indeed occasionally talk of thousands of boats. Besides the two-masted sailing ships, probably manned by Portuguese and Portuguese mixed bloods, the main force of the Arakanese fleet were mostly sturdy rowing boats used on the rivers as well as for navigating along the coast. Their construction allowed them to survive storms. At the same time, they allowed fast movements that could surprise an enemy and thus have a psychological impact that was undoubtedly part of a well-calculated tactic for gaining an early advantage over the enemy.
In 1624, the Arakanese fleet destroyed an entire Mughal fleet lying near Dhaka. They performed a similar deed in 1664 when Bengal's government was weakened by a year of transition between two governorships. But two years later, the new governor of Bengal, Shaysta Khan, put into effect a well-planned and masterly organized military campaign to re-conquer Chittagong. In 1666, Chittagong fell.

The Mughal governor Shaysta Khan, who had also taken the lessons from the earlier Mughal failures to invade the coastal strip north of Chittagong, had bought off many Portuguese. Chittagong was lost and with it went a great part of Arakan's trade and the revenues of the kings. Arakan itself was not invaded by the Mughals, though there had been plans to do so.

It very much seems that, despite the considerable loss, the court of Arakan and the king himself were not seriously weakened during the next two decades. One may think that the royal house was rich enough to sustain the military establishment that had been created to defend the kingdom. While thousands of Bengalis tilled the rice fields of the Kaladan valley, many thousands of Arakanese settling around the capital had been at the kings' disposal to man the fortresses at Chittagong and around the city. These men had been annually shifted. Where were they to go? After 1666, after the Mughal conquest of Chittagong, the court probably faced a big problem of integrating a massive flow of people who came back to Arakan's heartland. Nonetheless the country remained stable and the royal authority did not waver until the end of the King Candasudhammaraja's long reign of 32 years. Candasudhammaraja died in 1684. A few years later, the kingdom of Arakan was in shambles. Towards the end of the century, the inner political order literally broke down because kings lacked the resources to maintain the full control of the country.

The palace guard set up kings who were puppets. Pretenders to the throne were roaming the countryside and trade was badly hit by the decline of a central political authority. This situation lasted until the early 18th century. But even if the kings then recovered part of their earlier power, the kingdom never regained its former extension and strength. It was the Burmese King Bodawphaya who in 1784 sent his troops to Arakan and took control of the country. The Mahamuni statue was taken to Mandalay. The court of Arakan, the Brahmins and many Arakanese were deported to Upper Burma as well.

6. Studying Arakan's Cultural Development
Obviously Arakan's history can just be studied for itself. But this approach may be somewhat narrow and borders in some ways on a form of self-centred local history, nationalist history or contributes to the building of a myth of Arakan. If we take a broad approach, extending our view to the neighbouring areas in the Bay of Bengal, to India, to Burma and the wider world of Theravada Buddhism, we may have a chance to get a better understanding of Arakan's unique past.

1. A cultural frontier
First, there is a tremendous interest in studying Arakan as a frontier area. It lies at the border where South Asia hits Southeast Asia. It is a part of Southeast Asia, but it cannot be studied without directly referring to Indian's culture and history and especially Bengal, which is its closest neighbour. Looking at the neighbouring regions from an Arakanese point of view, Bengal is indeed more accessible than Burma proper.

On the one hand, we have to acknowledge that Southeast Asia and South Asia are geographical and cultural spaces that can be differentiated. On the other hand, any study of a frontier like Arakan points to the fact that we are dealing with open frontiers where there is as much a coexistence of differences as a field of mutual influence and exchange. So scholars may wonder what we can know about the relationship between Arakan and its neighbours beyond the outline provided by the chronicles and other narrative sources? What kind of influences can be identified in the fields of art and architecture, iconography, numismatics, religious cults? One may focus more generally on the relations between Islam and Buddhism. Was there any kind of religious or cultural syncretism?

A number of facts are known already, but need much further investigation. The cult of the pirs, Muslim saints at places called Badr Maqam along the coast from Bengal to Tenasserim is well known, but has never received thorough academic attention. The field of Arakanese numismatics, where the influences of Bengal are clearly perceptible, needs further investigation.

In an inspiring paper, Swapna Bhattacharya from the University of Calcutta has analysed the poetry of the Muslim poets of Bengali origin who lived at the 17th century Arakanese court and could relate their work to the political context of Arakan-Mughal relations. (Dawlat Qazi and Al Alaol)

Arakan itself is a cultural ground much more complex than the historical narrative of the kings may suggest. We have to pay attention to the diversity of its population (ethnic groups), the opposition between people of the plains and people of the mountains, the differences of the conditions of people living in North and Central Arakan, closer to Bengal, and those of South Arakan, closer to Lower Burma. In the context of such an approach, the contemporary political border separating Bangladesh, India and Burma has no intrinsic meaning. Unfortunately there is no culturally sensitive dialogue or productive academic exchange between these countries, focusing on the issues outlined here.

2. Arakan as a part of Myanmar/Burma
Another approach could focus on Arakan's place in the context of Burmese history. Mon and Pyu influences have been discussed in relation to Burmese culture and history, but close to nothing has been said about the Arakan-Burma relationship. Arakan's historical development is distinct and quite original and it definitely shows many differences with the evolution in Burma proper. On the other hand, it shares with Burma many ethnic, religious and cultural affinities. Anthropologists may even reject the label of "ethnic minority" when referring to the Arakanese.

In the context of Myanmar Studies, Arakan is thus of special interest. First of all from the point of its linguistic development. Arakanese is an archaic dialect of Burmese that shows a lot of regional varieties that have not hitherto been studied. It is an Arakanese poem that is generally accepted as the first piece of Burmese literature. But historians of Burmese literature generally assume that Arakan was influenced by the Upper Myanmar kingdoms, rather than the other way around.

In ethnic terms, the Arakanese are closely related to the Burmese, but they have developed distinct cultural traits. This cultural variety has also up to now been poorly acknowledged. How much is this cultural development due to a distinct development, to a mixed ethnic and religious heritage or to the cultural impact of the neighbouring areas? Such a study is not without social and political overtones. To tell a Buddhist Arakanese for instance that the status of women in Arakan seems to have been strongly influenced by Islamic customs will speedily raise controversy.

We do not know exactly when the so-called Arakanese arrived in Arakan and how we have to imagine their invasion or penetration into Arakan. This problem raises the question of the later relations between the Tibeto-Burma population of Arakan and the emerging kingdoms in the Irrawaddy valley. At least for the last five hundred years, it should be possible to further develop the study the relations between Arakan and Upper and Lower Myanmar.
Looking at the architecture of religious monuments, there is a clearly perceptible switch from an Indian/Western influence during the 16th century to a Lower Myanmar influence starting at the latest around 1630. Mention Buddhist iconography and you find another field to explore.

Such an approach questions the nationalist approach where all history is history of the Burmese majority while local and ethnic history gets attention only when like a minor river, it flows into the greater stream of the culturally predominant. National and nationalist historiographers are successors of the colonial historiographers who were mainly interested in the history of the Burmese who had left texts and monuments, while equally culturally important or relevant minorities such as Mon, Arakanese or Karen would not deserve an autonomous existence as objects of study.

SHORT PIPE ( Late 18th C Burmese Classic Poem)

2011-06-22T20:19:00.002+08:00

SHORT PIPE

A pipe ... a puff...
short as a finger...
I give you
for smoking.

" If I do not take it
you will think me crude
If I accept it
you will think I like you.

If you want me
to smoke it
put it near the bed,
my dear one. "

Poet name: Mae Khwe

Mae Khwe was the daughter of the Mayor of Sittaung and she was married to Maung Swe. When King Bodawpaya ascended the throne in 1782 C.E, Mae Khwe became a Court Poetess.

In Burmese version as below, please download zawgyifont and install if you cant see Burmese Font/Language.

ေဆးတံတို
ေဆးတံတို တညိႈးေလာက္ ၊ ေရာ့ေသာက္ေတာ့ေပး၊
မယူလိုက္က မိုက္လို႕ထင္ ၊ ယူလိုက္ျပန္က ၾကိဳက္လို႕ထင္၊
ေသာက္ေစခ်င္၊ ကုတင္တြင္ ေထာင္ခဲ့ကြဲ႕၊
ညိဳႏြဲ႕ရဲ့ေလး ။ ။

စာဆို- မယ္ေခြ

Jasmine (19th C Burmese Classical Poem by U Pon Nya)

2011-06-20T22:56:00.003+08:00

Jasmine

When jasmine
Is not in bloom
In palace gardens
Courtiers must
Bedeck themselves
With Kan flowers

When jasmine
Is in full bloom
In Mandalay's
Palace gardens
Courtiers never
Adorn themselves
With Kan flowers

Then Kan flowers
Find favor only
Among villagers

By U Pon Nya
Note: U Pon Nya was one of the best poet in the reign of King Min Don ( 1853-1878). The King awarded to U Pon Nya as a noble title a pieces of land as a fief. Jasmine has a sweet odor and is beautiful whereas kan flower although beautiful have no ordor.

This classical poem was translated by The most Rev, FRIEDRICH V. LUSTIG, Buddhist Archbishop of Lavita.

In Burmese version as below, please download zawgyifont and install if you cant see Burmese Font/Language.

စံပယ္ပန္း

ပန္းစံပယ္ နန္းလယ္မေပၚခိုက္ဟာမို႕
အလိုက္ေတာ္တန္သင့္႐ံုပ ခံပြင့္ကိုကုံး

နန္းရေဝ မန္းေျမ စံပယ္လိႈင္ေတာ့၊
ခံပန္းခိုင္ ယာယီေရြ႕တယ္ ၊ ေတာေလ့ရြာသုံး

ဦးပုည

Dr Elizabeth Moore

2011-05-18T18:20:00.001+08:00

Name: Dr Elizabeth Moore
Department of the History of Art and Archaeology
Reader in the Art and Archaeology of South East Asia

Centre of South East Asian Studies
Member, Centre of South East Asian Studies

SOAS Food Studies Centre
Member, SOAS Food Studies Centre
Email address : em4@soas.ac.uk
Telephone : 020 7898 4452
Address :School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London
Thornhaugh Street, Russell Square, London WC1H 0XG
Building :Brunei Gallery
Office No :B408

Authored Books
Moore, Elizabeth ( 2006 ) Early landscape of Myanmar. Bangkok: River Books.

Moore, Elizabeth and Mayer, H ( 1999 ) Shwedagon: Golden Pagoda of Myanmar. London: Thames & Hudson.

Moore, Elizabeth and Stott, P. ( 1996 ) Ancient Capitals of Thailand. River Books, Bangkok; Thames & Hudson, London.

Book Chapters

Moore , Elizabeth ( 2008 ) 'Thagara and the pilgrimage sites of Dawei: Buddhist narratives and ancient topography.' In: Gutman, P., (ed.), Buddha and the Sacred Mountain. Bangkok: Silkworm Press. (In Press)

Moore , Elizabeth (2008 ) 'Myanmar archaeology: Tagaung and ‘Pyu'.' In: Pautreau, J-P and Coupey, S and Rambault, E and Zeitoun, V, (eds.), From homo erectus to the living traditions: choice of papers from the 11th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists: Bougon, 25th-29th September 2006. Chieng Mai: Siam Rattana, pp. 183-192.

Moore, Elizabeth (2007) 'Spaceborne and Airborne Radar at Angkor: Introducing new technology to the ancient site.' In: Wiseman, James and El-Baz, Farouk, (eds.), Remote Sensing in Archaeology. New York: Springer, pp. 185-216.

Moore, Elizabeth and Swe, Than (2006) 'Early Walled Sites of Dawei: Thagara and Mokti.' In: Bacus , Elizabeth A. and Glover, Ian and Piggot , Vincent C., (eds.), Uncovering Southeast Asia's Past: Selected Papers from the 10th International Conference of the European Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists. Singapore: National University Press, pp. 271-282.

Moore , Elizabeth (2005) 'Stone tools and rings: Neolithic and Bronze Age Change.' In: Essays in Commemoration of the Golden Jubilee of the Myanmar Historical Commission (1955-2005). Yangon: Ministry of Education, pp. 203-227.

Moore , Elizabeth (2004) 'Ancient Knowledge and the Use of Landscape. Walled Settlements in Lower Myanmar.' In: Traditions of Knowledge in Southeast Asia, Part I. Proceedings of the Traditions of Knowledge in Southeast Asia Conference 17-19 December 2003. Myanmar Historical Commission, Ministry of Education, pp. 1-27.

Moore, Elizabeth and Han, N and Maung, W (2002) 'Prehistoric Grave Goods from the Chindwin and Samon River Regions.' In: Green, A. and Blurton, T., (eds.), Burma: Art and Archaeology. London: British Museum Press.

Moore, Elizabeth (2000) 'Ritual continuity and stylistic change in pagoda consecration and renovation.' In: Proceedings of the Myanmar Two Millenia Conference, December 15-17, 1999. Part 3. Yangon: Universities Historical Research Centre, pp. 156-191.

Moore, Elizabeth ( 1998 ) 'Religious Architecture.' In: Tettoni , Luca Invernizzi, (ed.), Myanmar Style: Art architecture and design of Burma. London: Thames & Hudson, pp. 20-58.

Moore, Elizabeth ( 1998 ) 'The Prehistoric Habitation of Angkor.' In: Manguin, Pierre-Yves, (ed.), Southeast Asian Archaeology 1994: Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Eurpopean Association of Southeast Asian Archaeologists, Paris 24-28th October 1994. Hull: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies, University of Hull, pp. 27-36.

Articles
Moore, Elizabeth (2010) 'The Williams-Hunt Collection, Aerial photographs and cultural landscapes in Malaysia and Southeast Asia.' Sari: International Journal of Malay World Studies, 27 (2). pp. 265-284.

Moore, Elizabeth (2009) 'Archaeology of the Shan Plateau, the Bronze to Buddhist Transition.' Contemporary Buddhism, 10 (10). pp. 83-102.

Moore, Elizabeth (2009) 'Place and space in early Burma: a new look at ‘Pyu Culture'.' Journal of the Siam Society, 97 . pp. 1-27.

Moore , Elizabeth and Tan, Terence ( 2008 ) 'Eyes on the past: Samon and Pyu beads in Myanmar.' Arts of Asia, 38 (1). pp. 134-141.

Moore , Elizabeth ( 2008 ) 'Tea, horses, and Buddhism: the peoples of early Myanmar.' Enchanting Myanmar, 8 (2).

Moore , Elizabeth (2007) 'Astrology in Burmese Buddhist culture, Decoding an illustrated manuscript from the SOAS Archives.' Orientations, 38 ( 1 ) . pp. 79-85.

Moore , Elizabeth and Win, S. (2007) 'The Gold Coast: Suvannabhumi? Lower Myanmar Walled Sites of the First Millennium A.D.' Asian Perspectives, 46 (1). pp. 202-232.

Moore, Elizabeth and Maung, Win (2006) 'Change in the landscape of first millennium AD Myanmar.' SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, 4 (2). pp. 1-26.

Moore , Elizabeth and Lertum, Surat (2005) 'Williams-Hunt Aerial Photograph Collection.' Muang Boran Journal, 31 (3). pp. 130-138.

Moore, Elizabeth (2004) 'Interpreting Pyu material culture: Royal chronologies and finger-marked bricks.' Myanmar Historical Research Journal, 13 . pp. 1-57.

Moore, Elizabeth (2003) 'Bronze and Iron Age Sites in Upper Myanmar: Chindwin, Samon and Pyu.' SOAS Bulletin of Burma Research, 1 (1). pp. 24-39.

Moore, Elizabeth and Pauk, Pauk (2001) 'Nyaung-gan: A Preliminary Note on a Bronze Age Cemetery near Mandalay, Myanmar (Burma).' Asian Perspectives: Journal of Archaeology & the Pacific, 40 (1). pp. 35-47.

Moore, Elizabeth (2000) 'Myanmar religious practice and cultural heritage.' The Journal of Sophia Asian Studies, 18 . pp. 285-300.

Moore, Elizabeth (2000) 'Angkor Water Management, Radar Imaging, and the Emergence of Urban Centres in Northern Cambodia.' The Journal of Sophia Asian Studies, 18 . pp. 39-51.

Moore , Elizabeth and Freeman, Anthony ( 1998 ) 'Circular sites at Angkor: a radar scattering model.' The Journal of the Siam Society, 85 (Part 1 & 2). pp. 107-119.

Conference or Workshop Items
Moore , Elizabeth (2007) Buddhist archaeology on the Shan plateau: the first millennium CE. In: Shan Buddhism and Culture, 8-9 December 2007, SOAS, London. (Forthcoming)

Moore, Elizabeth (2003) Shwedagon and Kyaikjtiyoe Today. In: Texts and Contexts in Southeast Asia, 12-14 Dec 2001, Universities Historical Research Centre, Yangon.

Moore, Elizabeth (2001) UNESCO SubRegional Global Strategy Meeting for Southeast Asian Cultural Heritage and Periodic Monitoring of World Cultural Heritage Sites - World Heritage Tentative Lists, SouthEast Asia. In: UNESCO Sub-Regional Global Strategy Meeting for Southeast Asian Cultural Heritage and Periodic Monitoring of World Cultural Heritage Sites, Paris, UNESCO. (Submitted)

Current Research
Current research focuses on the arts of Myanmar (Burma), particularly the emergence and maintenance of the Hindu-Buddhist landscape. Previous remote sensing and survey work in Thailand and at Angkor in Cambodia also considered patterns of terrain adaptation and veneration. Ongoing writing includes a survey of pre- and proto-historic Burma (Myanmar), the relationship of the so-called Pyu, Mon and Dvaravati cultures, and the role of visual culture in sustaining social memory of legendary places.

Ruined Temple in Burma 2

2011-03-18T17:00:00.001+08:00

Ruined Temple in Burma 1

2011-03-17T21:51:00.001+08:00

Glazed Decorative of Bagan Temples

2011-02-15T16:20:00.001+08:00

Using Chinese sources, a story is made current that it was Pyu who started the making of glazed work in about AD 800. They traded glazed ware and earthen jars with neighboring people. Excavations at Maing Maw, Vishnu Old Town, Sriksetra and Halin produced nothing like ceramic. As the archaeological excavation in these Pyu sites are still in the beginning, we might have the good fortune to get some evidence supporting the fact that Pyu did have ceramic of some good quality. I say this because although the Chinese said that Pyu used coins of gold and silver, we have never seen a gold coin used by them. On 2 March 1999, a monk ( U Tejavantasiddhi) of a Pphyauk, Kawhmu township. South Yangon district, dug a trench around a mound of a ruined pagoda of that village, with an intention to repair the pagoda, unearthed nearly fifty gold coins, bearing the Srivatsa symbol. There was a trade route running east and west from the Funan sea port of Oc-Eo to Vesali in Rakhine (Arakan) through Dvaravati, Madama (Martaban). Tala (Twante), Srikestra. Coins with Hindu Symbols of badapita, conch, moon, srivatsa, sun, swastika, vagra, etc. They had their origin in Funan made in about 2nd century AD. They cannot therefore be truthfully called Pyu coins. Using this route., a Funan army invaded the Pyu land and occupied Visnu Old Town during AD 205-225. Using the northern branch of this route Mahathera Mahasami. Primate of Chiangmai came in AD 1393 to Bagan and gilt the Shwezigon Pagoda(1/la). In the stone inscription (List 764, PPA24, now at Shwezigon) that records the event, the Primate of Chiangmai said that as a student he learnt the Pitaka in Bagan. ( Luce & Ba Shin, 1961, 330 )

From about the 5th Century AD until 8th century AD Pyu built a Kingdom that should be called the First Union of Myanmar from the upper Shweli river in the north to Madama( Martaban ) in the south and from the west of Thanlwin river in the east to the U Yu river and Htilin in the Yaw area at the foot of the Rakhine Ranges in the west. This kingdom was guarded by nine garrison twons of,
Hispaw
Kan Thida ( near Nga O on the Shweli)
Myingyan
Mway Yin ( near Male )
Halin ( near Shwebo )
Thegon (ear Pyay )
Taungdwingyi
Thigyaint ( near Katha )
Maing Maw ( near Kume )

They had trade relations with Champa and Kampuchea in the east, Assam and Orissa in the west, Yunnan in the north and Java in the south. If we could believe what the Chinese said, Pyu would have been selling their glazed ware and earthearn jars to all these Southeast Asians, Southern India and Nanchaos in Yunnan. The Pyu Kingdom fell in AD 832. Myanmar came soon after their fall and adopted the name Brahmavastu ( The Pure Place ) with which the Indians call the Pyu land. Bagan actually was a Pyu place, where Myanmar chose to have their capital. That is one of the reasons why we assume that Bangan had pagodas antedating the arrival of Myanmar.

Pagodas of bulbous type like Bupaya(1687/1961) and Nga Kywe Nadaung (1603/911) are, we believe of Pyu origin. Prototypes of Bagan cetiya and huha are found in Srikestra. Apart from the finials or the topmost part of religious monuments, which are invariably modern. Bupaya, Nga Kywe Nadaung and even Lokananda (315/201) founded by Aniruddha look very much similar in appearance to Baw Baw, Payagyi and Payama. Aniruddha (?1044-1077) similar in size and area to that of the Pyu Kingdom. So far we do not find ceramics, belonging to this king. Like the Pyu, he and his son used to make numerous terracotta Buddha plaques similar to those made by Pyu with Yedhamma hetu stanza written in Deva Nagari script. When Kyanzittha (1084-1113), who was in fact a usurper, came to the throne, he used profusely the glazed work the decorate his cave pagoda and palace.

Kyanzittha started the palace constructions on 4th November 1101. Pegs were fixed on the plan for erecting timber posts on 23 Feb 1102. The new palace was given the name of Jeyabhumi constructions were over on 9th May 1102. The Palace Inscription suggested that this “glass” is the glazed sheathing of the finials of pediments as we find in Htilominlo (Luce 1970-67). In comparison with the designs used in terracotta Jataka plaqwues made by artists of Kyanzittha and other kings right down to the fall of the empire, are inferior. We take Shwezigon (1/la_ to be founded by Kyanzittha in about AD 1102. He took an extraordinary bold by Kyanzittha sand stone. It is the most amazing thing to glaze jakaka plaques and of sand stone was quite an achievement. It was an amazing achievement for the ceramists of Bagan to succeed in glazing sandstone. It remains without parallel anywhere in the world (Kyaw Nyein 1963-203).The Nanda (2171/1465) (popularly known as Ananda) was built by Kyanzittha in about AD 1105 (Luce 1970, 139,357).

All tarrces from top to bottom were once brilliantly inlaid with 1464 green glazed plaques (now mostly matt with white wash). The parapets above the corridors and halls are decorated with 537 Jatakas, each identified by Pali name and number. It is the most complete series of Jataka plaques in Bagan. Above them, plaques of the top four terraces present 375 scenes, each with an Old Mon gloss, to explain the last ten Jatakas. Plaques of the ground-plinth, 533 in all, each with an Old Mon gloss, showed on the west side, the various monsters of Mara’s army, who vainly attacked The Buddha on the eve of The Enlightenment. On the east side, the Gods celebrate the Buddha’s triumph, a procession of Devas and other mighty beings swelling his pomp, holding auspicious emblems ( Luce 1970, 359)

Some of the emblems held by devas are taken from the 108 auspicious signs on the footprint of The Buddha. The Samantabhaddika a Pali commentary on the Anagatavamsa, has a description of all the scenes shown on the Nanda ground-plinth. The common people at the time would still be illiterate and animist. They were only skin-deep Buddhists. The king and his primate knew very well that they should educate the people and encourage them to live a Life of good Buddhists. They found by experience that the most effective way to teach them Buddhism was to give them a large number of images to worship (Lace 1970,361). Thus the temple of Nanda (Ananda) became the first great storehouse of Buddhist sculpture in Myanmar. There are about 1420 images (ASI1914, 69). It has been corrected later that even the interior niches have 1535(Luce 1970,361).

The 552 glazed plaques ( each a square of 14 ½ inches with 3 inches thickness) have never been edited. In the scene of Mara’s attack, his soldiers came riding on
Bear
Buffalo
Camel
Capricorn (Makara)
Cattle
Elephant
Hare
Hog-deer
Horse
Jackal
Leogryph (Vyala)
Lion
Naga (Serpent)
Pig
Ram
Tiger
Vulture
The heavenly and other mighty beings who celebrate the Buddha’s triumph include:
Asurinda
Brumha
Dataratha ( E-Guardian God )
Deva
Devi
Indra
Kinlok (Mon Clan Sprit)
Kumbhanda
Kuvera (N Guardian God)
Naga
Paharada
Sucitti
Suparna
Vepacitti
Viluraka(S Guardian God)
Virupakkha(W Guardian God)
Yama
Yakkha Senapati (28 General as listed in the Maha Samya and Atanatiya suttas ( Nos 20 & 32 ) of the Digha Nikaya)
These deities carry many auspicious emblems. Some are similar to 108 auspicious signs on The Footprint of The Buddha. But dandadip (Lampstand), bac (vajra thunderbolt) and dnal(mirror) are not found among them. These are also dhajapataka(flags) and kadate are there too, to be used as receptacles of gold, silver and jewelry.

Aa in Nagayon (1192/530), Sulamani(748/369), Dammarajaka(97/412a), Tayokepyay (539/395a) and Htilominlo (1812/1110) temples. Nanda (Ananda) has several dozens of glazed stone squares used on the floor. Mostly they are in three sizes: 18 inches square, 15 inches square and 7 ½ square. Nagayon has stone glazed threshold measuring 91” x 7” x 23”.

The Somingyi Stupa(1145/491) stands on the southwest of Nagayon(1192/530), about a furlong south of A beyadana (1202/540), on the west side of the Nyaung U-Chauk road. It is surrounded by many early temples and pagodas but it is quite conspicuous ofr its magnificent glazed work. The Archaeology Department marks its date as AD 1218 thought Professor G.H.Luce suggested the beginning of the 12th century A.D. and that would be a much more possible date because that was the time when the use of the glaze work was in vogue. The donor’s name would not help. Somingyi means a ssenior queen or a senior princess, an honorific good for quite a number of curt ladies. On the other hand Man, daughter of Pyam Kyi, as the donor of several slaves to The Religion. If that Pyamkhi were the son of Cansu II 1165-1211, his daughter Cuiw Man is likely to be the donor of this pagoda. The pagoda is fairly big with a 100 feet square base and a height of 100 feet. The three terraces are steep and there are no median stairways. The brick is large (16 ½” x 3”x 8 ½”). Each terrace is decorated with glazed bosses, panels and corner-masts of green and yellow colors. These are the chide glory of the monument. It would hot be an exaggeration to call it a Ratana Cetiya.

Disapramuk Inscreption, A.D. 1285 ( Bagan, Burma )

2010-12-31T22:59:00.004+08:00

The Historical Important of the Disapramuk Inscreption, A.D. 1285

The Disapramuk stone inscription now stands as one of the collection of stone inscriptions at the Pagan Museum but originally if belongs to the Mingala Zedi of Pagan and a photogravure of its rubbing has been published as Plate 271 in portfolio two of Inscriptions of Burma ( Tin & Luce, London, 1936 ). The historical information that we get from this inscription is new to our knowledge of the Mongol invasion of Burma at the end of the 13^th century. It enables us to correct the story given in the Chinese sources on that particular aspect. Therefore we would like to give the story as found in the chronicles on Burma-China relations on the eve of the Mongol invasion that terminated the reign of King Narathihapati (1254-1287) who is now called as Tayoke Pyay Min- the king who fled from the Chinese.

Kala complied the great Chronicle of Burmese Kings from the earliest time to 1714 and the Mhannan Yuzawin was complied by the History Committee appointed by the King in 1829 and both these chronicles give the following story.

In Sakkaraj 634 ( A.D. 1281 ) a Talaing called Wagaru made himself Lord of Martaban by assassinating the ( Burmese Governor ) Alainma. In that same year Tayoke U Ti Bwa sent an Envoy of ten officers and 1,000 horsemen to demand tribute consisting of gold rice pot, gold pot for cooking by steam, silver pot for cooking by steam, gold spoon-like ladle, silver spoon-like ladle, gold cup-like ladle and silver cup-like ladle, as King Anawratha of Pagan had done before. Some records say that they came to ask for a white elephant. When the King granted the Envoys an Audience, they did not do the proper kowtow in his presence. The King ordered them to be executed by saying: “ let not even one of them escape “ . Minister Ananda Picci remonstrated: “ Your Majesty, we should rather report this disrespect of the Envoys to Tayoke U Ti Bwa than execute them which is unusual with the way of Kings “. But the King would not hear of it. “ Their behaviour is intolerable “ he said and that was final. All of them were executed. Not one of them was spared. When Tayoke U Ti Bwa heard of it he was exceedingly angry and he sent an army of 6,000,000 horse and 20,000,000 men. King Narathihapati sent General Anatapicci and Yantapicci with 400,000 men to stop the invaders. They came to Ngasaunggyan ( on the opposite of Bhamo ) and made it strong with wall and moat. Then they tried to stop the enemies who tried to cross ( the Irrawaddy river ) from Bhamo. For three months they killed everyone including attendants employed in feeding elephants and horses who came up their side of the river. Wave after wave of U Ti Bwa’s men came. When 100,000 men were killed, 200,000 men came. When 200,000 men were killed, 400,000 men came and it went on like this. From sheer exhaustion the Burmans could do nothing at last and the enemy finally succeeded in crossing over the river and Ngasaunggyan fell.

The King called a ( war ) council and said: “ Pagan is small. The walls are low. It could not keep a strong force to do the defensive for long. Let us make fortification starting from Badin on the north upstream down to Ywatha. Enough stones and bricks could not be made in time. Pull down pagodas, temples and monasteries for bricks “. In this way 1,000 big temples, 10,000 small temples and 300 brick monasteries were destroyed. Then in one of the big temples the Prophecy of Anonyaza written on a red copper plate was found. It stated that Pagan would be destroyed at the time of king father of Twins. A check was made and one of the concubines did really have twins. The King realized that his effort to put a stand against the Tayoke was futile. He decided to flee down the river. So a fleet was mustered. On 1,000 boats were put the palace treasure; 1,000 cargo boats carried paddy; 1,000 boats of speed travel carried the king’s harem. No more boats were available to carry the servant women. “ Bind their legs and limbs and drown them “ was the Order but through the interception of the Royal Preceptor, these women escaped death. Monks and men were allowed to take their choice of these three hundred women. The King got on board the Golden Barge and went to Bassein of the Talaing Land. General Anantapicci and Yantapicci made another stand at Male by putting up two fortifications on the east of the foot of a range. These two generals possessed some supernatural power of jumping very high and so they jumped into a crowd of enemies to kill and to escape easily. Even then Anatapicci was killed and Yantapicci made an orderly retreat to Pagan where he found that King had fled. He followed the king to Bassein. The invaders came after him as far as Tayoke Hmyaw and finally they gave the chase because of the scarcity of food. So the king earned the name Tayokepyay- He who fled from the Tayokes. ( Mnannan, I, 1967 Reprint, pp351-4 )

The Chinese version summed up from various Chinese sources by late Professor G.H. Luce (see Luce; “ The Early Syam in Burmese History “ JSS., XLVI, ii, November 1958, pp. 123-172 ) is as follows:

It was not difficult for the Pai-I to induce the Yunnan government, 1271, to send an envoy to the Pagan court demanding submission. ( Another envoy was sent ) in 1273, with an imperial letter threatening invasion. ( They never returned to Yunnan ). In 1276, Yunnan reports; “ We have sent persons to discover news of the ambassadors, but the P’u rebels blocked the way. Now the P’u have mostly submitted and the road is already open. The person we sent has found out those ambassadors all reached Mien Safely. ( In 1277 the Burmese came to attack A-ho but after two days fighting they were repulsed). What is chiefly striking about the raid is attempting it. They should have known what a terrible enemy they were bound to provoke. The Mongols were not slow to react. In ( Nov-Dec ) 1277 Yunnan province sent Nasir ed-Din, Comforter and Commander in Chief of the various Roads of Yunnan, at the head of over 3,840 men, consisting of Mongols, Ts’uan, P’o and Mo-so, to invade Mien. ( He ) obtained the submission of over 300 stockades and (36,200 households ). On account of the hot weather the army was withdrawn… Nasir re-Din (perhaps reached Ngasaunggyan). It does not seem likely that he took it… For his army Nasir ed-Din had to rely mostly on Yunnanese levies. Bu both he and the Emperor realized that more troops were needed to effect the conquest of Burma. They were not available till the autumn of 1283. On September 22^nd of that year the army, the size of which we do not know, marched from Yunnan Fu.. On November 7^th it reached Nan-tien. Here it divided into three parts. T’ai-pu proceed at once by the longer route via lo-pi itaties ( Mong Hum). On November 22^nd

, Yagan-tigin left the A-his (Nam Ti) and A-ho ( Ta-p’ing ) route, through Chen-his (Kan-yai) with orders to build 200 boats so as to command the river at Chiang-t’ou. The Commander in Chief, Prince Sangqudar, followed the p’iao-tien route north of the Ta-p’ing. On December 3^rd, proceeding by different routes, they fought ( I imagine it is not mentioned in the Chinese 0 the fatal battle of ( Ngasaunggyan). On December 9^th they captured Chiang-t’ou city, killing over 1,000 men in the fighting.” They “took prisoner 10,000 of its keenest soldiers. “ The first report sent with a map to the Emperor, arrived on February 5^th 1284. it says that they had sent envoys to deliver a summons to the king of Mien, but there was no reply………The Pagan Burmans called their invaders Taruk, presumably because (apart from local levies ) Turkic tribes formed the majority in the Mongol armies. The Pagan Burmans did not yield easily. On May 10^th 1284, we read: “ Quduq Tamar’s army for the invasion of Mien encountered the rebels and was routed. “ Reinforcements had to be sent. On August 26^th 1285, Yunnan report; “ This year we have not yet had time to invade Mien” … In this year 1285, King ( Narathihapati ) decided to submit, in orer to avert a new invasion.

The peace mission sent by the Burmese King is recorded in the Disapramuk inscription. But before we go on with this peace mission, I would like to quote here what an inscription we find at Minnanthu ( P1.227 of Inscriptions of Burma ) says:

In the year 1278, the great minister called Aindapitsaya made preparations to construct a monastery for the thera because the thera of the Most Reverend Mahakassapa’s establishment had no monastery ( of his won ). Before the monastery was built, the enclosure wall was put up. Even this enclosure wall was not completed. Aindapitsaya ( was sent ) to the ( Fort ) of Ngassaunggyan ( where ) he lived ( until ) the destruction of ( that recently ) established pran`- province, occurred.

It seem that from the time of King Alaungsithu (Can`su II, 1160-1211) Ngasaunggyan was the northern limit of the Empire and Kyaungsin was the administrative centre of northern Burma. Aindapitsaya must have been a worthy officer to get the command of this important fort. Perhaps he survived the battle though he retired from active service thereafter Mongols took Ngasaunggyan on 3 December 1283. Kaungsin fell on 9 December 1283. The Mongols penetrated as far south as Tagung which was captured in January 1284. Hence the northern Burma became a Chinese province of Cheng-Mien.

When the Burmese sent a peace mission headed by a monk called Shin Dithapamauk ( Dispramuk ), it succeeded in persuading the Mongol Emperor to call off the invading army. The Disapramuk inscription records this episode like this :

Honour to him, the Blessed, the Saint, the fully Enlightened In Sakaraj 638 ( A.D. 1285 ) Mrigasira year, the King was staying at Lhan`kla, west Pran`. He sent Anatapcican` and Maha`puiw saying: “ Find out the Taruk movements.” Anantapican` and Maha`puiw said: “This task is a very hard one. There is no go between to send. And there is no one who could write the Gold Address (from our King to the Mongol Emperor). If only we have Syan Disapramuk with us, we should be able to undertake this task”. Thus they petitioned. So the King sent for me and entrusted this task to me.

At Sacchim and Hanlan we made no stay. Having made the Gold Address, we sent it to the Taruk King. The Taruk King said: “ This Gold Address is not from the King nor this learned man his (ambassador ). Anyway call him”. So they called me as being a learned man.

As for the Mha`ra`ja of Pagan, he made the Gold Address saying: “ Kings should not imprison ambassadors. He is to act as our ambassador”. Thereupon they released me. We reached the Taruk Kingdom. As for the Taruk King, with an intention to attack and capture Pangan, he had sent Price Susuttaki (with) 20,000 soldiers and (with the intention to do a Buddhist missionary work he had also sent) the Maha`thera Pun`n`adhammika, the Sanghathera Sri Dhammika and ( monks from ) seventy monasteries who were stopping at the city of Santhway (because) the Monsoon was heavy at that time.

In due course we arrived at ( Santhway). Thereupon the monks who were stopping there gave me a few gifts and said:

“ The ( Mongol Emperor ) would welcome you. He is a good Buddhist. Please tell him that we could not preach the Religion at Pagan (because nobody is there). As for me, having passed the place of these (monks), I reached Yachan` where I stopped for the (Buddhist Lent). In Tachonmahum (November) I went up to Taytu. In Plasuiwe (December) I arrived there.

The Taruk King was well pleased and we exchanged questions though nothing was said about state affairs. But at the end we talked about state affairs. He said; “ Pundit, I have these 20,000 soldiers and Maha`thera, Sanghathera and monks to propagate the Religion”. I replied: “Mha`ra`ja, all these soldiers and monks could work (what they had been assigned for) only when there is paddy (to eat). Is not paddy essential for the prosperity of a Kingdom? (At present there is an only toddy palm) and if they have to eat nothing but minced toddy palms, will they not all die of pains in the stomach? The monks would not have the courage to enter the capital yet. They are bound to perish if they have to stay in the jungle long. O King, if things remain like this, how you could expect to have had your mission completed. A man who works in a garden pours water and makes the trees grow. He never pinches the tips. He would wait till the trees bear fruits. First pour water on the Kingdom of Tanpratik. It is a small land but the Religion thrives there well. O King, you pray for the Buddhahood. Grant that the Religion of Father Kotama be not destroyed. The Kingdoms that you have conquered are very many and very great. The land of Tanpratik is small. Yet you want it because you want to establish the Religion there. (Then) let not the soldiers go there first. Allow me (to go back there first) to plant rice and beans. When the rice and beans are full grown, then enter”

The Taruk King said: “In these words my profit is also include. Pundit, call the monks who were running hither and thither at the time of your coming and plant rice and beans. When they are full grown, and then send them onto me”. When he had said thus, I was allowed to leave him. But there was some delay in my final return (to Pagan).

Out of gratitude to me for this service, the King (of Pagan) gave me 400 pay (1,100 acre; 445.5 hectares) of land at Hanlan and 400 pay (1,100 acre; 445.5 hectares) of land at Kramu, including both wet and dry cultivation plots and slaves and cattle. All these I dedicate to the Three Gems at the Ceti` to Panpwat Rap- the Turner’s Quarter.

From the evidence that we get from this Disapramuk inscription, we can both add and correct the information that we have gathered from the Burmese chronicles and the Chinese sources. Firstly it is not correct to say that the Pagan King had put to death the Chinese envoys of 1273 although they had never returned to Yunan. In all probability they perished in the fighting with the frontier revels of that time. Secondly the Pagan King took refuge not at Pathein but at a place called Hlan`kla on the west of Pran` which is either Pagan or Pyay. Thirdly the Pagan King sent an envoy in the person of a learned monk called Disa`pramuk who succeeded in getting a truce from the Mongol Emperor and therefore the King gave land and slaves to the monk and a contemporary stone inscription by that monks still stands to bear testimony that the statements in the chronologies are more or less wrong.

REFERENCES AND NOTES

Inscription of Burma Portfolio II, London, Oxford University Press 1936.
Luce, G.H., “The Early Syam in Burmese History”, JSS, XLVI, ii, December 1978.
Mhannan Mahayazawin I, Complied by a Committee of learned Men appointed by the King in 1829, Rangoon, Pyigyi Mandaing Press, 1976 Reprint.
Than Tun., “History of Buddhism in Burma, A.D.1000-1300. JBRS., LXII, ii, December 1978.

Discussion

B.R Gopal: On page 8 there is a quotation “Sakaraj 548(=1285)”. But on page 2, you mention “ Sakkaraj 634(= A.D. 1281). Are they correct ?

Than Tun : They are only 4 years apart each other in Christian era, but father apart in Burmese era. May be “Sakaraj 548” (page 8) in the quotation is the typing mistake. It should be around 638.

K.V.Remesh: What is the language of the inscription?

Than Tun: Old Burmese.

A.V. Narasimha Murthy: How faw would those religious inscriptions be useful to study the Mongol invasion?

Than Tun: I rely on Chinese records and Burmese chronicles as well. But those religious inscriptions are more important since they are contemporary, and again they can provide social and economic information about the donors.

G.Lubeigt(Paris): Where were “Badin” and “ Ywath mentioned on page 3 situated?

Than Tun: “ Badin” is somewhere on the north of Pagan And “Ywatha” is much farther south of Pagan, according to the story of the chronicles. But is very hard to tell about these places in details.

G.Lugeigt: In such case why do you give, 1,100 acres for 400 pay on page II? Multiplying 1.75 acres by 400 makes 700 acres, kinds of pay. One is the ordinary pay, 1.75 acres, and other is the between Lubeigt and Than Tun on the characteristics of the boat used in those days)

19th C Occultism -- Burma

2010-12-26T19:47:00.003+08:00

Just another pieces of Parabaik kept in Southeast Asia Digital Library of Northern Illinois University.

Subject - Parabaik
Materials - Paper
Place of Origin - Burma
Current Location - Northern Illinois University Libraries, Special Collections
Date - 1850
Measurements - 17 x 46 cm
Technique - Manuscript

Description ( as NIU original short note )
Painted illustrations of Jataka and Ramayana figures, some captioned and allocated to days of the week, astrological calculations. Black script on one side and colored illustrations on the other side of continuous sheet of white paper folded fanwise (13 folds). Outside folds black with red ink. Ms. Donor: Burma Studies Group.

14-15th C Burma Ceramic Plate

2010-12-20T19:26:00.003+08:00

Burma (Myanmar), Southeast Asia *Dish*, 14th-15th century Decorative object; Ceramic, Stoneware with celadon glaze, 3 x 13 3/8 in. (7.62 x 33.97 cm) Mr. Robert P. Griffing, Jr. Bequest (M.80.32.3) South and Southeast Asian Art Department.
Note: not currently on public view.

Burma Karen Rain Drum

2010-10-16T11:35:00.003+08:00

Bronze Drums - An Animist Art Form

by
Dr. Richard M. Cooler ,
Professor Emeritus
Art History of Southeast Asia, Northern Illinois University
Original link @ http://www.seasite.niu.edu/burmese/cooler/Chapter_1/Chapter_1.htm

The use and manufacture of bronze drums is the oldest continuous art tradition in Southeast Asia. It began some time before the 6th century BC in northern Vietnam and later spread to other areas such as Burma, Thailand, Indonesia and China. The Karen adopted the use of bronze drums at some time prior to their 8^th century migration from Yunnan into Burma where they settled and continue to live in the low mountains along the Burma - Thailand border. During a long period of adoption and transfer, the drum type was progressively altered from that found in northern Vietnam (Dong Son or Heger Type I) to produce a separate Karen type (Heger Type III). In 1904, Franz Heger developed a categorization for the four types of bronze drums found in Southeast Asia that is still in use today.

Heger’s four drum types

The Karen Drum Type or Heger Type III

The vibrating tympanum is made of bronze and is cast as a continuous piece with the cylinder. Distinguishing features of the Karen type include a less bulbous cylinder so that the cylinder profile is continuous rather than being divided into three distinct parts. Type III has a markedly protruding lip, unlike the earlier Dong Son drums. The decoration of the tympanum continues the tradition of the Dong Son drums in having a star shaped motif at its center with concentric circles of small, two-dimensional motifs extending to the outer perimeter.

Tympanum of a Karen Bronze Drum	Complete Tympanum of a Karen Drum
Detail of Tympanum of a Karen Drum	Detail of Tympanum of a Karen Drum

In Burma the drums are known as frog drums (pha-si), after the images of frogs that invariably appear at four equidistant points around the circumference of the tympanum.

Frog on Tympanum of a Karen Drum

A Karen innovation was the addition of three-dimensional figures to one side of the cylinder so that insects and animals, but never humans, are often represented descending the trunk of a stylized tree.

Stylized tree with snails and elephants

Detail of stylized tree with snails and elephants

Detail showing a complex arrangement of snails, elephants, trees squirrels and other animals.

The frogs on the tympanum vary from one to three and, when appearing in multiples, are stacked atop each other. The number of frogs in each stack on the tympanum usually corresponds to the number of figures on the cylinder such as elephants or snails. The numerous changes of motif in the two- and three-dimensional ornamentation of the drums have been used to establish a relative chronology for the development of the Karen drum type over approximately one thousand years.

The Karens speak several languages that linguists have had difficulty classifying. Karen groups often speak different languages, some of which are not mutually intelligible. Hence, the Karen peoples are an exception to the basic assumption that an ethnic group can be defined by the fact that all its members can converse in a single tongue. There are at least three major cultural and linguistic divisions among the Karen: the Karreni or the Red Karen, who cast the bronze drums, the Pwo Karen, and the Sgaw Karen, as well as a number of other splinter groups who have scattered into the mountains below the Shan Plateau.

Two Red Karen Women

A Sgaw Woman

Two Sgaw Karen couples

These hillside people practice swidden or slash-and-burn agriculture and speak a language that is very different than that of the lowland Burmese. The practice of slash-and-burn agriculture consists of burning the forests and then using the ashes from the burnt timber as fertilizer for the fields.

A swidden field ready for planting

Broadcasting rice in swidden field

The fertilizer lasts for only several years, never more than six, and at that time the Karen must pack and move everything to a new site where a different section of the forest is burned. A number of hillside groups practice slash-and-burn agriculture and periodically move through each other's hereditary territory to new lands. These people move back and forth across the Thai border with little regard for the national boundary. Slash-and-burn agriculture is perilous in that after the forest is burned, seeds must be planted and then rains must occur quickly and consistently until the plants are well established. If this does not happen, the plants will wither and die or insects and animals will eat the seeds. It is not unusual for the Karen to be forced to plant four times in order to reap a single harvest. For the Karen, the bronze drums perform a vital service in inducing the spirits to bring the rains. When there is a drought, the Karens take the drums into the fields where they are played to make the frogs croak because the Karens believe that if the frogs croak, it is sign that rain will surely fall. Therefore, the drums are also known as "Karen Rain Drums"

Bronze drums were used among the Karen as a device to assure prosperity by inducing the spirits to bring rain, by taking the spirit of the dead into the after-fife and by assembling groups including the ancestor spirits for funerals, marriages and house-entering ceremonies. The drums were used to entice the spirits of the ancestors to attend important occasions and during some rituals the drums were the loci or seat of the spirit.

It appears that the oldest use of the drums by the Karen was to accompany the protracted funeral rituals performed for important individuals. The drums were played during the various funeral events and then, among some groups, small bits of the drum were cut away and placed in the hand of the deceased to accompany the spirit into the afterlife. It appears that the drums were never used as containers for secondary burial because there is no instance where Type III drums have been unearthed or found with human remains inside. The drums are considered so potent and powerful that they would disrupt the daily activities of a household so when not in use, they were placed in the forest or in caves, away from human habitation. They were also kept in rice barns where when turned upside down they became containers for seed rice; a practice that was thought to improve the fertility of the rice. Also, since the drums are made of bronze, they helped to deter predations by scavengers such as rats or mice.

When played, the drums were strung up by a cord to a tree limb or a house beam so that the tympanum hung at approximately a forty-five degree angle.

Karen drum being played

The musician placed his big toe in the lower set of lugs to stabilize the drum while striking the tympanum with a padded mallet. Three different tones may be produced if the tympanum is struck at the center, edge, and midpoint. The cylinder was also struck but with long strips of stiff bamboo that produces a sound like a snare drum. The drums were not tuned to a single scale but had individualized sounds, hence they could be used effectively as a signal to summon a specific group to assemble. It is said that a good drum when struck could be heard for up to ten miles in the mountains. The drums were played continuously for long periods of time since the Karen believe that the tonal quality of a drum cannot be properly judged until it is played for several hours.

The drums were a form of currency that could be traded for slaves, goods or services and were often used in marriage exchanges. They were also a symbol of status, and no Karen could be considered wealthy without one. By the late nineteenth century, some important families owned as many as thirty. The failure to return a borrowed drum often led to internecine disputes among the Karen.

a. Animist Drums and Buddhism

Although the drums were cast primarily for use by groups of non-Buddhist hill people, they were used by the Buddhist kings of Burma and Thailand as musical instruments to be played at court and as appropriate gifts to Buddhist temples and monasteries. The first known record of the Karen drum in Burma is found in an inscription of the Mon king Manuha at Thaton, dated 1056 AD. The word for drum in this inscription occurs in a list of musical instruments played at court and is the compound pham klo: pham is Mon while klo is Karen. The ritual use of Karen drums in lowland royal courts and monasteries continued during the centuries that followed and is an important instance of inversion of the direction in which cultural influences usually flow from the lowlands to the hills.

b. Casting the drums

The town of Nwe Daung, 15 km south of Loikaw, capital of Kayah (formerly Karenni) State, is the only recorded casting site in Burma. Shan craftsmen made drums there for the Karens from approximately 1820 until the town burned in 1889. Karen drums were cast by the lost wax technique; a characteritic that sets them apart from the other bronze drum types that were made with moulds. A five metal formula was used to create the alloy consisting of copper, tin, zinc, silver and gold. Most of the material in the drums is tin and copper with only traces of silver and gold. The Karen made several attempts in the first quarter of the twentieth century to revive the casting of drums but none were successful.

Karen drums casting - 1923

During the late 19th century, non-Karen hill people, attracted to the area by the prospect of work with British teak loggers, bought large numbers of Karen drums and transported them to Thailand and Laos. Consequently, their owners frequently incorrectly identify their drums as being indigenous to these countries.

Burmese Tattoo Manual

2010-10-05T16:28:00.002+08:00

Object types - Tattooing manual / manuscript

Materials- Paper
Techniques - Drawn
Production place - Made in Burma
Date - 19thC

Description
One (of five) pages of a tattoo manuscript. The manuscript is a digest of tattoo designs for a potential client to choose from, and would have been used by the tattooer to advertise his range of work.

In the top half, this page has two frontally faced tigers, in drawn in black ink and coloured in red and yellow, respectively. Their torsoes are divided into grids of auspicious symbols. Around them are lines of text. In the lower half are a series of smaller prancing tigers, also with auspicious symbols marked around them. The botttom quadrant of the page is delineated in red ink and shows two more cursory animal figures and some text.

These five acquisitions (2005.6-23.01-05) constitute pages from the same illustrated manuscript, obtained from three different sources. The leaves, though now separated, were presumably ordered originally as a "parabaik". The pages have all now been glazed and taped at the edges.

The basic format is of rows of animals (mostly tigers but chicks and monkeys are also seen) along with text (in black ink though red is seen in two cases). In some instances the text is embedded in, or around, the animal. In one instance, the outline of the animal's body is made up only of auspicious letters and numbers. The tigers prowl across the page in rows, for the most part coloured in yellow and orange - or in a combination of the two. In one section of the manuscript the body of the tiger is dissected into individual circles filled with auspicious numbers -one circle for each of the four legs, one for the head and one for the tail. Magic squares are evident throughout, and at one point (.05) there are two rows of animals standing above concentric circles, presumably the planets (the peacock [sun] and rabbit [moon] are clear).

Inscriptions
Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: Burmese
Inscription Language: Burmese
Inscription Comment: page/s of illustrated manuscript
Current Location - British Museum, London

Dimensions
Length: 43 centimetres (glazed)
Width: 29 centimetres (glazed)

Condition
Each page is very worm-eaten, though for the most part not destructive of the overall design and legibility of the manuscript.

Curator's comments
Tattooing is a ritual component prevalent throughout South East Asia, including Burma and Cambodia. For a full discussion of the art of ritual tattooing in Cambodia see, Bernon, "Yantra et Mantra", Phnom-Penh, 1998. Olivier de Bernon's well-designed book on the subject reveals how many similarities there are between the arts in Cambodia and Burma and how both systems of magic stem ultimately from India via Thailand.

In her magesterial survey of Burmese culture, "Burmese Crafts, Past and Present", Sylvia Fraser-Lu writes, " Virtually every young man, from a prince of the realm to a village farm boy, delighted in being adorned from the waist to the knee with artistic blueish-black effigies of powerful agile creatures, such as cats, tigers, monkeys and ogres surrounded by a flowering tracery of protective letters from the Burmese alaphabet...The primary function of tattooing was talismanic. It added to male charismsa by offering the bearer a number of advantages, such as invulnerability against all sorts of weaponry, protection against evil spirits and disease, and success in love affairs." (p.138)

Tattooing and the concomitant construction of auspicious space are important aspects of traditional Burmese scoiety and many objects already in the collection illustrate this feature. Tattooing equipment and tattoo diagrams on cloth have been aquired in recent years as also have other objects from elsewhere in Southeast Asia which are convered in similar indications of auspiciousness. The use of magic squares helpfully links these pages to Cambodian notions of what is protective.

Burmese paintings of various types are represented in the collection, but until now nothing of this very striking type has been acquired. These pages make very useful and complementary additions to the collections as well as our abilities to speak about Burmese culture.

19th C Burmese Tattoo Manual

2010-10-05T16:16:00.004+08:00

Object types - Tattooing manual / manuscript

Materials - Paper
Techniques - Drawn
Production place - Made in Burma
Date - 19thC

Description
One (of five) pages of a tattoo manuscript. The manuscript is a digest of tattoo designs for a potential client to choose from, and would have been used by the tattooer to advertise his range of work.

This page is larger than the others and has slightly different detail. In additon to a considerable amount of text, there are images of a tiger, a dragon, an elephant and a (Burmese) Nat-like figure. They stand above concentric circles with animals presumably representing the planets (the peacock [sun] and rabbit [moon] are clear). On the other side of this page, the body of a tiger is dissected into individual circles filled with auspicious numbers -one circle for each of the four legs, one for the head and one for the tail. Magic squares are evident throughout.

These five acquisitions (2005.6-23.01-05) constitute pages from the same illustrated manuscript, obtained from three different sources. The leaves, though now separated, were presumably ordered originally as a "parabaik". The pages have all now been glazed and taped at the edges.

The basic format is of rows of animals (mostly tigers but chicks and monkeys are also seen) along with text (in black ink though red is seen in two cases). In some instances the text is embedded in, or around, the animal. In one instance, the outline of the animal's body is made up only of auspicious letters and numbers. The tigers prowl across the page in rows, for the most part coloured in yellow and orange - or in a combination of the two.

Inscriptions
Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: Burmese
Inscription Language: Burmese
Inscription Comment: page/s of illustrated manuscript

Dimensions
Length: 43 centimetres (glazed)
Width: 29 centimetres (glazed)

Current Location - British Museum, London
Condition
Each page is very worm-eaten, though for the most part not destructive of the overall design and legibility of the manuscript.

Curator's comments
Tattooing is a ritual component prevalent throughout South East Asia, including Burma and Cambodia. For a full discussion of the art of ritual tattooing in Cambodia see, Bernon, "Yantra et Mantra", Phnom-Penh, 1998. Olivier de Bernon's well-designed book on the subject reveals how many similarities there are between the arts in Cambodia and Burma and how both systems of magic stem ultimately from India via Thailand.

In "Burmese Crafts, Past and Present", Sylvia Fraser-Lu writes, " Virtually every young man, from a prince of the realm to a village farm boy, delighted in being adorned from the waist to the knee with artistic blueish-black effigies of powerful agile creatures, such as cats, tigers, monkeys and ogres surrounded by a flowering tracery of protective letters from the Burmese alaphabet...The primary function of tattooing was talismanic. It added to male charismsa by offering the bearer a number of advantages, such as invulnerability against all sorts of weaponry, protection against evil spirits and disease, and success in love affairs." (p.138)

Tattooing and the concomitant construction of auspicious space are important aspects of traditional Burmese society and many objects already in the collection illustrate this feature. Tattooing equipment and tattoo diagrams on cloth have been aquired in recent years as also have other objects from elsewhere in Southeast Asia which are convered in similar indications of auspiciousness. The use of magic squares helpfully links these pages to Cambodian notions of what is protective.

Burmese paintings of various types are represented in the collection, but until now nothing of this very striking type has been acquired. These pages make very useful and complementary additions to the collections as well as our abilities to speak about Burmese culture.

Burmese Tattoo Manual 19th C

2010-10-05T15:50:00.006+08:00

Object types - tattooing manual / manuscript

Materials - Paper
Techniques - Drawn
Production place - Made in Burma
Date - 19thC

Description
One (of five) pages of a tattoo manuscript. The manuscript is a digest of tattoo designs for a potential client to choose from, and would have been used by the tattooer to advertise his range of work.

Here monkeys and a bird appear in addition to tigers. There are magic squares all around and the figures of the animals are interspersed with text.

These five acquisitions (2005.6-23.01-05) constitute pages from the same illustrated manuscript, obtained from three different sources. The leaves, though now separated, were presumably ordered originally as a "parabaik". The pages have all now been glazed and taped at the edges.

The basic format is of rows of animals (mostly tigers but chicks and monkeys are also seen) along with text (in black ink though red is seen in two cases). In some instances the text is embedded in, or around, the animal. In one instance, the outline of the animal's body is made up only of auspicious letters and numbers. The tigers prowl across the page in rows, for the most part coloured in yellow and orange - or in a combination of the two. In one section of the manuscript the body of the tiger is dissected into individual circles filled with auspicious numbers -one circle for each of the four legs, one for the head and one for the tail. Magic squares are evident throughout, and at one point (.05) there are two rows of animals standing above concentric circles, presumably the planets (the peacock [sun] and rabbit [moon] are clear). (TRB)

Inscriptions
Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: Burmese
Inscription Language: Burmese
Inscription Comment: page/s of illustrated manuscript

Dimensions
Length: 43 centimetres (glazed)
Width: 29 centimetres (glazed)

Current Location - British Museum, London
Condition
Each page is very worm-eaten, though for the most part not destructive of the overall design and legibility of the manuscript.

Curator's comments
Tattooing is a ritual component prevalent throughout South East Asia, including Burma and Cambodia. For a full discussion of the art of ritual tattooing in Cambodia see, Bernon, "Yantra et Mantra", Phnom-Penh, 1998. Olivier de Bernon's well-designed book on the subject reveals how many similarities there are between the arts in Cambodia and Burma and how both systems of magic stem ultimately from India via Thailand.

In her magesterial survey of Burmese culture, "Burmese Crafts, Past and Present", Sylvia Fraser-Lu writes, " Virtually every young man, from a prince of the realm to a village farm boy, delighted in being adorned from the waist to the knee with artistic blueish-black effigies of powerful agile creatures, such as cats, tigers, monkeys and ogres surrounded by a flowering tracery of protective letters from the Burmese alaphabet...The primary function of tattooing was talismanic. It added to male charismsa by offering the bearer a number of advantages, such as invulnerability against all sorts of weaponry, protection against evil spirits and disease, and success in love affairs." (p.138)

Tattooing and the concomitant construction of auspicious space are important aspects of traditional Burmese scoiety and many objects already in the collection illustrate this feature. Tattooing equipment and tattoo diagrams on cloth have been aquired in recent years as also have other objects from elsewhere in Southeast Asia which are convered in similar indications of auspiciousness. The use of magic squares helpfully links these pages to Cambodian notions of what is protective.

Burmese paintings of various types are represented in the collection, but until now nothing of this very striking type has been acquired. These pages make very useful and complementary additions to the collections as well as our abilities to speak about Burmese culture.

19th C Burmese Tatoo

2010-10-05T15:41:00.003+08:00

Object types - Tattooing manual
manuscript - Drawing

Materials - Paper
Techniques- Drawn
Production place- Made in Burma
Date -19thC

Description
One (of five) pages of a tattoo manuscript, in Burmese. The manuscript is a digest of tattoo designs for a potential client to choose from, and would have been used by the tattooer to advertise his range of work.

This page is larger than the others and has slightly different detail. In additon to a considerable amount of text, there are images of a tiger, a dragon, an elephant and a (Burmese) Nat-like figure. They stand above concentric circles with animals presumably representing the planets (the peacock [sun] and rabbit [moon] are clear). On the other side of this page, the body of a tiger is dissected into individual circles filled with auspicious numbers -one circle for each of the four legs, one for the head and one for the tail. Magic squares are evident throughout.

The basic format is of rows of animals (mostly tigers but chicks and monkeys are also seen) along with text (in black ink though red is seen in two cases). In some instances the text is embedded in, or around, the animal. In one instance, the outline of the animal's body is made up only of auspicious letters and numbers. The tigers prowl across the page in rows, for the most part coloured in yellow and orange - or in a combination of the two.

Dimensions
Length: 43 centimetres (glazed)
Width: 29 centimetres (glazed)

Current Location - British Museum, London

Condition
Each page is very worm-eaten, though for the most part not destructive of the overall design and legibility of the manuscript.

Curator's comments
These five acquisitions (2005.6-23.01-05) constitute pages from the same illustrated manuscript. The leaves, though now separated, were presumably ordered originally as a "parabaik". The pages have all now been glazed and taped at the edges. Tattooing is a ritual component prevalent throughout South East Asia, including Burma and Cambodia. For a full discussion of the art of ritual tattooing in Cambodia see, Bernon, "Yantra et Mantra", Phnom-Penh, 1998. Olivier de Bernon's well-designed book on the subject reveals how many similarities there are between the arts in Cambodia and Burma and how both systems of magic stem ultimately from India via Thailand.

In "Burmese Crafts, Past and Present", Sylvia Fraser-Lu writes, " Virtually every young man, from a prince of the realm to a village farm boy, delighted in being adorned from the waist to the knee with artistic blueish-black effigies of powerful agile creatures, such as cats, tigers, monkeys and ogres surrounded by a flowering tracery of protective letters from the Burmese alaphabet...The primary function of tattooing was talismanic. It added to male charismsa by offering the bearer a number of advantages, such as invulnerability against all sorts of weaponry, protection against evil spirits and disease, and success in love affairs." (p.138)

Tattooing and the concomitant construction of auspicious space are important aspects of traditional Burmese society and many objects already in the collection illustrate this feature. Tattooing equipment and tattoo diagrams on cloth have been aquired in recent years as also have other objects from elsewhere in Southeast Asia which are convered in similar indications of auspiciousness. The use of magic squares helpfully links these pages to Cambodian notions of what is protective.

Burmese paintings of various types are represented in the collection, but until now nothing of this very striking type has been acquired. These pages make very useful and complementary additions to the collections as well as our abilities to speak about Burmese culture.

8th - 10th C Pyu Buddha Votive plaque

2010-10-05T15:26:00.004+08:00

Object types - Plaque

Materials - Terracotta
Techniques- Moulded
Production place- Made in Burma (Pyu)

Date - 8thC-10thC (this date according to Guy 2002; Luce suggests 10th-11thC)

Description
Terracotta votive plaque, pressed from a mould and depicting the Buddha of the past, the historical Buddha, and a bodhisattva, according to Luce, Maitreya. The plaque is shaped in an arch-like structure and the three figures are seated on lotus thrones below which are decorative designs. On the reverse can be seen the veins of a leaf, probably of a peepul tree, on which the plaque has been pressed while drying.

Inscriptions
Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: Pyu
Inscription Position: bottom
Inscription Language: Pyu
Inscription Transliteration: Budha mga: psu: khnu
Inscription Comment: for transliteration see Luce 1969; p100

Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: English
Inscription Position: reverse
Inscription Language: English
Inscription Content: U Mya 105
Inscription Comment: written in red felt-tip pen. This probably refers to figure 105 in a book on terracotta votive tablets.

Dimensions
Height: 8 centimetres
Width: 6.5 centimetres

Current Location - British Museum, London
Condition - Good

Curator's comments
Bibliography: Guy 2002 Burma, Art and Archaeology; Chapter 3. Offering up a rare jewel. p.28, fig 3.7. BMP.

Christies's SEA Modern and Contemporary Art Preview in S'pore

2010-10-04T09:41:00.002+08:00

Web Version | Mobile Version

OCTOBER 9 - 10 10AM - 7PM VIEWING VENUEView map ARTSPACE@Helutrans 39 Keppel Road, #02-04 Tanjong Pagar Distripark, Singapore On view are also a selection of Asian Contemporary Art and Chinese Modern Paintings.		AUCTION 29 November 10AM VENUE Grand Hall Hong Kong Exhibition & Convention Centre No. 1 Expo Drive, Wan Chai Hong Kong ENQUIRIES Florence Wee fwee@christies.com +65 6235 3828
Walter Spies (Germany 1895 - 1942) Balinesische Legende	I Nyoman Masriadi (Indonesia b. 1973) Trombone
Painted in 1929 Estimate on request	Painted in 2010 HK$780,000 - 1,404,000 US$100,000 - 180,000

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TAGUNDAING 19th C

2010-09-23T16:47:00.001+08:00

TAGUNDAING
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
Carved wood lacquered gilded with mirror inlay
h. 72 in., w. 14 1/2 in., d. 5 3/4 in. pagodas
Current Location - Northern Illinois University Collection
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.13

The gallery’s small Tagundaing is a continuation of the ancient Indian practice of erecting monumental columns which symbolize the spread of the Buddhist faith. In Burma, these great Buddhist flagstaffs were raised in monastery compounds to celebrate the submission of local animistic gods to the triumphant Buddhist doctrine and law. Ranging anywhere from 60-80 feet in height, the Tagundaings were usually surmounted by ornamental mythical animals such as the Hintha bird, seen here atop the miniature Tagundaing. Frequently, the base of a large Tagundaing is set between piles carved in the form of mythical Thadya Nats. Originating from animistic practices, Thadaya and Thadya-min Nats are benevolent, and sometimes mischievous, cloud-dwelling spirits believed by some to be the ancestors of the Burmese people. At the foot of the flagstaff is the Earth Goddess wringing her hair. She is quite commonly represented associated with the flagstaff on ancient manuscripts, on woven manuscript wrapping ribbon sasygyo as well as on the oldest Tagundaing found in Pagan. Her placement there may indicate symbolically the recognition of her role in assisting the local Burmese population towards accepting Buddhism.

Mi-gyaung (Burmese Musical Instrument )

2010-09-21T16:29:00.003+08:00

Object Name - Mi-gyaung

Date - late 19th-century

Geography - Myanmar (formerly Burma)

DimensionsL. 54 in.

ClassificationChordophone-ZitherCredit LineThe Crosby Brown Collection of Musical Instruments, 1889Accession Number89.4.1473

Current Location - The Metropolitan Museum of Art, Newyork

Description

In the 9th century several Burmese musicians were sent to the T'ang dynasty court. Among the instruments they presented to the emperor were the saung-gauk (harp), klene (mouth organ) and mi-gyaung, all chamber instruments. Mi-gyaung, means " crocodile-zither" in Burmese. Similar box zithers exist throughout Southeast Asia and, although the shape is not maintained, the reptilian name persists as chakhe in Thailand or kacapi in Indonesia and the Philippines.

Burmese Nat with 6 arms

2010-09-07T21:15:00.003+08:00

NAT
Burma/Myanmar
Sandstone
h. 57 cm., w. 27cm.
Current Location- Northern Illinois University Collections

Gift of Paul Cooler, 2003
BC2003.4.1

Burmese sandstone image of a nat (indigenous spirit), standing frontally, with six arms that once held attributes but no longer exist. Taungmagyi Nat, the Burmese cadet of the north who is the twin brother of the cadet of due south.

SUMEDHA

2010-08-29T12:24:00.002+08:00

SUMEDHA
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
carved wood lacquered and gilded
Current Location- Northern Illinois University Collections

Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1986
BC97.1.1

Monk prostrating before the Buddha offering his hair and body to prevent the Buddha’s feet from getting soiled. This monk lying in front of a Buddha is the ascetic Sumedha. He is usually portrayed prostrating before the Buddha Dipankara upon a muddy road. By stepping on Sumedha's body, Dipankara is able to cross the road easily, and he declares that Sumedha will reborn as Shakyamuni Buddha, in an aeon far in the future. You can see the depiction of this episode on the illustration of a Burmese manuscript from c.1800.

19th C Burma Ogre

2010-08-22T10:22:00.002+08:00

BILU
Burma/Myanmar
Pre-Mandalay Period
Late 18th Century or early 19th Century
Carved wood, lacquered, with mirror inlay
h. 19 7/8 in., w. 11 13/16 in., d. 8 3/4 in.
Current Location- Northern Illinois University Collections

Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.04.00

Elbow resting against and in front of dexter knee with forearm and hand curved in towards sinister heel. Sinister arm is bent with hand raised as if holding an object, which is now missing. A short wooden column joining upper leg and elbow supports elbow. Feet and toes are carved in detail. Wears regal attire and bracelets. Headdress and has flame-like motif on top. Large flame like motif extends upward and backward. Regal attire, bracelets and headdress were originally lacquered, gilded and inlayed. Panel of cloth hanging down from waist in front of figure rests on the ground and sinister leg lies over cloth panel. Face has ogre-like features. Nose is large and round. Large mouth with teeth bared and there are two large fangs extending upward over lip. Inlayed and gilded flame or leaf like patterns around the eyes and around entire mouth cover almost the entire face. Phalanges on ears were also originally gilded and inlayed. Seated on a base, which does not extend beyond figure, plain oval and flat 1-inch high disk. Inlay consists of large chunky pieces of glass cut in triangles, squares and rectangles. They are green, opaque and yellow. One of a pair, see BC 87.1.6. This image has no impressions on the chest as does BC 87.1.6 and only traces of white jesso-like substance appear on the legs/pants. There is a line of red lacquer 9r paint on the waisted part of the headdress. The thickness and chunkiness of the glass, its colors as well as the less sophisticated craftsmanship and the way the thayo surrounds the fragments may indicate that this pair of images are pre-Mandalay period, late 18th century or early 19th century.

MANOUKTHIHA ( Lion with Guardian Head )

2010-08-15T09:59:00.002+08:00

MANOUKTHIHA
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
Carved wood with white paint
h. 10 1/8 in., w. 4 in., d. 4 in.
Current Location - Northern Illinois University Collections
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1986
BC86.01.21

Seated figure with two lion-like bodies with tails and one human head crowned, joined at the torso so that there is only one set of front legs. The front legs are together and lower than rear. Wearing crown with broken finial and epaulets at ears and shoulder. Raised edges with horizontal marks along front and back legs. Holes where eyeballs are. Entire figure is painted white. Plain wood surface on base. Base is triangular-shaped with rounded corners. It is flat on top except for a dip in the front corner to allow for the long front legs.

Burmese Earth Goddess

2010-08-07T10:44:00.001+08:00

EARTH GODDESS
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
carved wood lacquered and gilded with red lacquer on the bodice of the base
Current Location- Northern Illinois University Collections
h. 15 11/16 in., w. 6 7/8 in., d. 3 in.

Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1986
BC86.01.18.00

Earth Goddess wringing her hair, wooden, lacquered and gilded. Red lacquer on bodice and base. Gilded figure is seated with her legs tucked up under her. Dexter arm is straight at her side holding her hair near the ground. The sinister arm grasps her hair on the top of her head. The hair itself is pulled up in one long strand and loops over and down the dexter side along the outside of the arm, the tip of the strand is held between thumb and forefinger of the dexter hand. Large ears with circular earrings. Large almond-shaped eyes. Lips are red. Wearing a long jacket with circular and flower motifs impressed on it. Bodice is red and skirt has vertical bands of geometric decorative motifs impressed onto it. Base is plain. Upper half is red and lower half is black. Red is painted over the black.

LOKANAT

2010-07-27T21:40:00.000+08:00

LOKANAT
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period
Carved wood, lacquered and gilded
h. 46 1/2 in., w. 18 3/4 in., d. 18 3/4 in.
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.07

Lokanat, also called Kaba Saung Nat, were also placed at the foot of the throne, regardless of whether it was occupied by the Buddha or a Burmese king. The sounds emanating from the foot chimes of these figures dispel anger and assure harmony in the throne room and kingdom, be it spiritual or temporal.

KINNARA & KINNARI

2010-07-23T22:18:00.003+08:00

KINNARA (MALE)

KINNARA (MALE)
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
Carved wood, lacquered gilded with mirror inlay
h. 56 1/2 in., w. 22 5/8 in., d. 26 3/8 in.
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.01

Kinnari and Kinnara are mythical creatures who are thought to live in the Himalayas and who came to Burma with the spread of Buddhism. They are half-human, half-bird dancers, musicians, and choristers. Benevolent spirits, the Kinnara as well as their female consorts, the Kinnari, are known to watch over humans in time of danger. A particularly fine pair of monumental Kinnari and Kinnara figures in the Burma Collection are covered with a mosaic of colored glass, a technique typical of the Mandalay style.

KINNARI (FEMALE)

KINNARI (FEMALE)
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period, 19th Century
Carved wood, lacquered gilded with mirror inlay
h. 97 cm., w. 36 cm.
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.02

Burmese Orge ( BILU )

2010-07-16T12:42:00.002+08:00

BILU
Burma/Myanmar
Mandalay Period
Carved wood, lacquered, with mirror inlay
h. 88 cm., w. 31.3 cm., d. 45.5 cm.
Current Location - Northern Illinois University
Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1987
BC87.01.03.00

The Bilu is a large seated figure in human form with the face of an ogre. With legs tucked underneath and the right leg raised slightly off the ground, he sits upright and leaning slightly forward, head tilted slightly upward. Hands are brought together in front of the chest in an attitude of reverence. There is an indentation, perhaps for inserting something between the thumbs. The figure wears an elaborate costume carved in relief, lacquered, gilded and inlayed. The long sleeve jacket has a fish scale or lotus petal pattern in molded lacquer or thayo. There are three flares on each shoulder and four flares around them. A band crossing over the chest and in back is worn over the jacket and is carved and decorated with thayo and inlayed both in front and in back. The collar also is carved in wood and decorated with thayo and inlay. Bands on the upper arms close to the elbows are made of metal, which is red lacquered, gilded, and decorated with thayo bands. A sash-like strip runs across the lower back from behind each elbow and is carved wood, which has been lacquered and gilded. At the wrists molded thayo bands form either bracelet or elaborate cuffs. From the waist down over the gap between the legs and onto the base runs a three-tiered panel, inlayed and with thayo bands. In back of figure, cloth extends beyond hem of jacket to ground or base, covering foot and backside of figure. The headdress worn is fairly flat close to the head with a waisted column rising out of the center on top-of, which a closed fanlike shape extends upwards, and backwards with smaller petal shaped or leaf shaped green inlayed decorative motifs on the front and sides. Mirror inlay and thayo bands accentuate the face of the ogre. The eyes are painted in black lacquer over a carved indentation. A line runs from the eye across the side of the face curling up in a small loop and then curling down, each eye having the same design. Above the eyes, green inlaid floral or furlike extensions make the eyes more menacing. A silver drop-shaped silver mirror inlay is set between the eyes at the forehead. The top of the naturalistic nose is wrinkled in a snarl-like attitude. Two large fangs and the green inlay band and floral or fur like motif around the mouth emphasize the grimacing mouth. The chin also has designs of the floral or fur like motif which also appear along the side of the face behind the ears, the latter are also inlayed. The Adam’s apple is defined on the neck. On the back of the head black lacquer indicates hair. The base is carved from the same piece of wood as the figure. It is simply red lacquered. The base is a raised strip on which the front legs rest on and an arched strip supports the feet and buttocks. It appears that the base would have been carved continuously but was cut out along the sides. Thus underneath the figure would have been hollow within the base and partially up into the inside of the figure. On the inside another section appears to be carved out near the back and another piece of wood inserted, being smaller than the wide hole on the inside. This figure is one of a pair, see BC 87.1.4. It appears that this image is of higher rank, perhaps a general. This is apparent in the special headdress, which may be used to identify him, the elaborateness of his costume, which is also more ornate than BC 87.1.4, and the extensive use of inlay and thayo designs on the costume, the stance and perhaps the taller height. The majority of inlay is small circular pieces in silver, red and green. Around the neck there are pieces of red and silver, which are slightly larger circles, which are not flat but are raised slightly. These shapes also are placed in the center points of motifs but are used sparingly. There is diamond shaped pieces on the bands which cross in the back and that is the only place this shape occurs. Some of the pieces are petal shaped but still small and refined like the circles.

Journal of Burma Studies - Volume 13

2010-07-16T12:31:00.000+08:00

Journal of Burma Studies - Volume 13

Kirichenko, Alexey, From Ava to Mandalay: Toward Charting the Development of Burmese Yazawin Traditions

Since the emergence of modern historiography of Burma (Myanmar), Burmese yazawin, or chronicles of kings, have been key scholarly sources. The most well-known of these chronicles are considered reliable after circa 1500 and provide a timeline of events for almost all research on precolonial Myanmar history. Despite this, we still have a quite vague understanding of textual genealogy and conditions in which these sources were produced, the foundations upon which they were constructed and the messages they carried. This article analyzes the corpus of Burmese yazawins and those narrative sources linked to yazawins that were instrumental in their compilation. It addresses the issues of typology and geneaology of yazawins, as well as the reconstruction of their development in terms of scope, structure, and conceptual focus. It challenges some historiographic stereotypes with regard to yazawins as a whole and the nature of individual sources in particular, and identifies a number of distinct yazawin traditions. The role of elites of royal cities of Ava, Taungngu, and Pagan in the production of yazawins is explored. Development of yazawin traditions is analyzed both as a kind of established textual activity with its own dynamics and as a function of changes in the organization of power and textual culture. Finally, the author suggests a number of tasks to be addressed in future research. All in all, the paper is conceived as a contribution towards the textology and hermeneutics of Burmese narrative sources and ideas in Myanmar in general.

Andrew Huxley, Three Nineteenth-Century Law Book Lists: Burmese Legal History from the Inside

Through the investigation of three Burmese law book lists by Maungdaung Sayadaw, Tha Dwe, and Kyaw Htun this article seeks to construct a narrative history of legal traditions. By breaking each list into smaller units and comparing the results a common core of Burmese legal history emerges. The lists, shed light on who the typical authors of a dhammathat were while items that appear on some, but not all, of the lists help indicate controversies that were still matters of live debate during the nineteenth century.

Ralph Isaacs, Rockets and Ashes: Pongyibyan as Depicted in Nineteenth-and Twentieth Century European Sources

This article describes the Burmese festival of pongyibyan, the ceremonies at the cremation of a senior monk, mainly by collating written accounts and photographs by Europeans who witnesses pongyibyan in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Certain rites of the pongyibyan ceremony offer interesting parallels to accounts of the Buddha’s own funeral found in the Mahaparinibbana Sutta. This article cites descriptions of the preparation of the monk’s corpse by evisceration, embalming, lacquering, wrapping in cloth and gilding, including descriptions of both the simple inner coffin and elaborate outer coffin, and the mortuary chapel (neibankyaung) where the body lay in state awaiting cremation. The article depicts the architectural and symbolic significance of the tall funeral pyres with figures of mythical beings and the role of the sat-hsaya, the craftsman in bamboo and cut paper who built them as well offering a description of the lonswethi, the tug-of-war for merit. Numerous foreign observers reported the Burmese passion for rocketry. At least three types of rockets (don) were used at pongyibyan for kindling the funeral pyre. Rockets commonly caused injury or death to spectators, and were discouraged by the British colonial government.

Burma Studies Conference 2010: Burma in the Era of Globalization

2010-06-02T17:38:00.002+08:00

source : http://www.burma.niu.edu/burma/conferences/2010/index.asp

Burma Studies Conference 2010: Burma in the Era of Globalization

The coming International Burma Studies Conference will be held in France, at Universite de Provence, Marseille, 6th-9th July, 2010.The conference is co-organized by Institut de Recherche sur le Sud-Est Asiatique (IRSEA-CNRS), Ecole francaise d'Extreme-Orient (EFEO), Centre Asie du Sud-Est (CASE-CNRS), Institut national des Langues et Civilisations Orientales (INALCO) and Center for Burma Studies (NIU DeKalb IL USA).

We invite panel participants to focus their proposals on the theme of understanding Burma/Myanmar’s position vis-a-vis processes of globalization. How does globalization contribute to change – or not – in Burma and also to our perceptions of Burma? Such an overview should be consequent to a multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary approach by specialists in anthropology, sociology, linguistics, political science, economics, history and archaeology; as well as in religion, literature, art and architecture.
Interested participants are asked to organize and submit panel proposals with 500-word abstracts by 1 December 2009.
Individual papers, for which a 250 word abstract is requested, are also welcome and will be duly integrated into the conference sessions by the organizers. The deadline for the individual paper proposals is 30 March 2010.
In addition to the title and abstract of the proposed panels and papers, please include the contributors’ names and academic affiliations, mailing address, email address, and specify equipment needs for the presentations.
Location: Marseille, France (Direction)Dates: 6-9 July 2010Deadline for submission of panel proposals: 1 December, 2009 (CLOSED)Deadline for paper proposals (titles and abstracts): 24 April, 2010Email: burmastudies2010@gmail.com
Conference fee:Euros 180 prior to April 30, 2010Euros 220 thereafter
Contacts:Please send the requested information to:
Burma Studies Conference, 2010Université de ProvenceIRSEA-CNRS3, Place Victor HugoMarseille 13003, FranceEmail: burmastudies2010@gmail.com
Organizing Committee:
Conference co-chairs:Catherine Raymond, Director, Centre for Burma Studies, Northern Illinois University, DeKalb IL 60115 USAcraymond@niu.edu
François Robinne, Director Institute of Research on South-East Asia at Marseille (France) Francois.Robinne@univ-provence.fr
Co-conveners:Bénédicte Brac de la Perrière, Centre Asie du Sud-Est (CASE-CNRS), Parisbrac@vjf.cnrs.fr http://www.cnrs.fr
Marie-Hélène CardinaudInstitut Nationale des Languages et Civilisations Orientales (INaLCO), Parismhcardinaud@yahoo.fr http://www.inalco.fr
Jacques Leider, Ecole Française d’Extrême Orient (EFEO), Parisjacques.leider@education.lu http://www.efeo.fr
Alice Vittrant, Université de Provence, Marseille/CNRS-Lacito Alice.Vittrant@univ-provence.fr http://www.univ-provence.fr http://lacito.vjf.cnrs.fr/
Gustaaf Houtman, Anthropology Today, Londonghoutman@gmail.com http://anthropologytoday.ning.com
Chargés de mission:Véronique André, Centre de Recherche et de Documentation sur l’Océanie (CREDO), Marseilleveronique.andre@univ-provence.fr http://www.pacific-credo.fr
Louise Pichard-Bertaux, Maison Asie-Pacifique (MAP), Marseillelouise.bertaux-pichard@univ-provence.fr http://sites.univ-provence.fr/wmap
For further information regarding the Conference, please visit our websites:http://www.grad.niu.edu/burma

Burmese PARABAIK- SHAN SERMON BOOK

2010-06-02T12:07:00.003+08:00

Object - PARABAIK- SHAN SERMON BOOK

Place of origin - Burma/Myanmar

Materials - Paper, gold, gilded, silver and red mirror inlay

Dimension -h. 3 1/8 in. w. 5 in. l. 20 3/4 in.

Current Location - Northern Illinois University

Note-Gift of Konrad and Sarah Bekker, 1986 BC86.01.19.00

Parabaik. Shan Sermon Book. 1266 (i.e. 1904) Notes on various aspects of Buddhism. Written in Nissaya (bi-lingual) Pali-Shan (Burmese script). 266 Folds. Gold rectangular boards decorated on one side with silver and red mirror inlay and relief bands. A raised double border separates two strips of decorative motifs. The inner most strip of decoration consists of simple floral motifs in inlay and the outermost of a row of silver inlay interspersed with red mirror inlayed circles. Same design repeated on both covers. Edges of paper are gilded. Sheets of paper are left plain with Tai Yuan letters in red and black ink (?). Pages attached to one another in continuous folds accordion-style.

Pagan Standing Buddha, 11th C Burma, Bagan

2010-05-17T22:09:00.004+08:00

Object - Standing Buddha,
Period - Pagan, 12th–13th century
Place of Origin - Burma
Materials - Bronze with silver inlay
Dimension - H. 19 7/8 in. (50.5 cm)
Current Location - The Metropolitan Museum of Art,

Note : Gift of Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Foundation, 1993 (1993.235.1)

Although the Buddha's image is a frontal and static one, here the proportions of the figure and facial type have been altered to reflect local tastes. The head is unusually large and the hips wide. The body is highly conceptualized and has lost a close correspondence with the human form. The size of the head, width of the shoulders, and taper of the legs have all become exaggerated. The face is almost heart-shaped, with a broad forehead, wide eyes, long nose, upturned mouth, square jaw, and small chin. The monastic robes cling to the body and flare outward from the forearms. The robes do not resemble real fabric but instead cling to the Buddha as if they were transparent, revealing the upper hem of the skirt and the robust forms of the upper body. The Buddha makes the gesture of protection with his right hand and, in his left, holds the folded hem of his outer robe. The work is typical of sculptures produced in the Burmese Buddhist kingdom of Pagan, which was founded in the mid-eleventh century.

Source: Standing Buddha [Burma] (1993.235.1) | Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History | The Metropolitan Museum of Art

Tribal Hnyìn ( Burma )

2010-04-22T15:55:00.006+08:00

Here one more tribal art from The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

Object Name - Hnyìn

Date - late 19th

Century Geography- Myanmar (formerly Burma)

Medium- Bamboo, gourd

Dimensions

Longest pipe 55.9 (22 in.), shortest 12.7 cm (5 in.)

ClassificationAerophone-Free ReedCredit LineThe Crosby Brown Collection of Musical Instruments, 1889

Accession Number - 89.4.290

Tünak , Tribal Musical Instrument ( Burma )

2010-04-22T15:33:00.006+08:00

Object Name - Tünak

Date- early 20th century

GeographyMyanmar (formerly Burma)

MediumWood, metal

Dimensions

Overall: W. 11.8 x D. 69.5 x L. 48.7cm

(4 5/8 x 27 3/8 x 19 3/16in.)

ClassificationChordophone-Harp

Credit LinePurchase, Mr. and Mrs. Thatcher M. Brown III Gift, and Crosby Brown Collection, by exchange, 1990

Accession Number - 1990.131.2

This wooden musical instrument displaying at The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York,
still under on going research to find out more details.

Burmese Saùng-Gauk

2010-04-22T15:09:00.004+08:00

Object Name - Saùng-Gauk
Date - 19th century
Geography - Mandalay?, Myanmar (formerly Burma)
Medium- Wood, various materials
Dimensions - H. 89.7 cm.; W: 87 cm.; D. 20.5 cm. for details see acc. card.ClassificationChordophone-HarpCredit LineThe Crosby Brown Collection of Musical Instruments, 1889Accession Number89.4.1465 a, b

Description

This richly decorated arched harp has 13 twisted silk strings of varying diameter. Each string connects to a gold-painted stringholder which runs the length of the gold-lacquered deerskin belly. The strings are secured to the neck with red-twisted cotton cords (tuning rings), which end with a gold colored metallic tassel. The sides of the instrument depict scenes from the Ramayana in gold against a black field. Often used to accompany songs, instruments like this one had their orgins in ancient India and represent one of the oldest surviving harp traditions.

* This information may change as the result of ongoing research.

Lady Figure Hanging, Kalaga

2010-04-09T16:44:00.004+08:00

Object - Hanging, Kalaga
Place of origin - Burma (made)
Date -late 19th century (made)
Materials and Techniques - Black woollen cloth, appliquéd with painted silk, silver spangles and silver-gilt thread.

Dimensions - Length: 173 cm Width: 109 cm Length: 136 cm (figure)

Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum

Museum number - IS.219-1960
Credit Line - Given by Miss Eunice Frost OBE
Gallery location - In store

This is a fine example of a Burmese pictorial textile hanging known as a kalaga. The owner would have used it either as a decorative wall hanging, a room partition, or as a screen hung outside the house on festive occasions. This one is made of black woolen cloth with pink silk appliqué work with silver spangles and silver gilt thread.

It depicts a woman in the elegant costume of the Konbaung court of the late 19th century. She wears multiple necklaces, jewelled ear-tubes, bracelets and rings, and her hair is dressed in a jeweled coil on top of her head. She displays the classic, almost crescent-shaped, maha-naphoo (royal forehead), which was the height of fashion at the Mandalay court during the time of King Thibaw (r. 1878-1885). After the annexation of Upper Burma by the British in 1885 and the exile of the Burmese royal family, the style was adopted by dancers and the newly rich until about 1900.

The extravagant style of kalagas appealed to Burmese and Europeans alike and their popularity soared in the mid 19th century. This one is likely to have been made especially for the European market in Burma.

Physical description
A standing female figure holding a cheroot. Dressed in the style of a court lady of the Konbaung Dynasty (1752-1885) Mandalay Court ca. 1880. It consists of three main elements - a hta-mein (the lower wrap around garment) which is made up of a central panel of an acheik-luntaya design, a waist band of faded pink finishing in a train of faded pink; a floral patterned checkered yinzi (the breast cloth) and a tightly fitting checked ein-gyi (jacket) with flaring khar-taung (waist-wings) and kalama-no (lapets). These are worn with open sandals. The lady's hair is dressed in a jewelled coil on top of her head falling in a long piece over her right should and she wears multiple necklaces, jewelled ear-tubes, bracelets and rings.

On black woollen cloth the acheik patterns on her silk hta-mein are of painted pink silk applique work with silver spangles and silver gilt thread. The ein-gyi is embroidered in applique in a check pattern of flower heads and leafy sprigs and the pink silk yinzi is checkered with four petaled flower heads. The features of her face, neck and hands are painted in black ink on white cloth.

Descriptive line
Embroidered Burmese kalaga (hanging) of woollen cloth with an applique design representing a lady of the Mandalay Court ca. 1880, of coloured textiles (partly painted), imitation jewels, silver gilt thread and sequins. ca. late 19th century.

Historical significance
This portrait of an elegantly dressed lady displays the classic almost crescent-shaped maha-naphoo (royal forehead) which was the height of fashion at the Mandalay court during the time of Thibaw Min (r. 1878-1885). It was then adopted by dancers and the nouveaux riches until about 1900. The effect was obtained by painting the hairline black. Inf. Noel F. Singer June 2002

2010-04-07T10:40:00.002+08:00

Object - Puppet, a prince
Place of origin - Burma (probably, made)
Date - ca. 1880 (made)
Materials and Techniques - Carved and painted wood, with a costume of dark orange silk embroidered with gold thread, sequins, pieces of mirror and glass beads.

Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum

Museum number-IS.33-1966

Physical description
This male puppet probably represents a prince at the court of the Konbaung kings of Burma and wears the elaborate court costume with its shaped, tailored and sumptuously decorated pieces which were worn layer on layer culminating in the costume which, when seen from a distance, created the image of a legendary heavenly apsaras (celestial nymph).

Object history note
Bought from J.C. Irwin on RP/66/2084 for £86 with IS 3l to IS 35-1966
Collection code -IND

2010-04-06T13:04:00.003+08:00

Object - Harp, Saung gauk

Place of origin - Prome, Burma (possibly, made)
Dimensions

Height: 61 cm Length: 72.5 cm

Date - 1875-1900 (made)

Materials and Techniques - Carved hollow wood, coated with black thitsi lacquer and gold leaf, enriched with relief moulded lacquer and glass inlay work.
Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum

Museum number - IM.234-1927Gallery location - In store

Credit Line - Bequeathed by the Marquess Curzon of Kedleston

Physical description

The resonance case is in the form of a curved boat of which the prow is carried up in a long arc curving inwards. The "deck" is of animal skin, pierced with four round sound-holes. Along the middle of this drum runs a blade of wood drilled with thirteen holes through which are tied the ends of the strings, originally of varnished silk but now of string. The other ends of the 13 strings are tied round the front of the arc and they are tuned by means of red cotton tasselled cords looped in a special way round each string and round the arc. Black and gold decoration runs all the way around the sound box. This takes the form of six scenes from the Ramayana amid scrolling foliation, and bears five kite-shaped panels of inscription commenting on the action (two on one side, three on the other). The inscriptions on the first side read (descriptions of the action are given in square brackets):

1. `Prince Rama pursues Kambi disguised as a hind, shoots an arrow and hits her'. [A male hunter comes upon the Golden Deer who is shown as a human-faced quadruped, with no bestial features or ogre headdress.]

2.`The royal younger brother Lakshmana goes off (?to help) Prince Rama.' [Lakshmana draws a line in the ground with his bow and heads off into the forest.]

3.`Ravana disguised as a mendicant accepts a gift of fruit offered by Lady Sita.' [Ravana disguised as a beggar with an alms bowl approaches Sita who, kneeling, offers him fruit piled on daung lan stand. Ravana's aerial chariot is parked, ready for escape, at the far end of this panel]. On the other side:

4. `Prince Rama, his younger brother Lakshmana and Lady Sita are attacked by ogres, the elder and younger brother, Duthagara'. [A male figure,Lakshmana (?), brandishes a bow, or instructs its use; a male and a female figure close by.]

5. No inscription. [The two ogres are attacked.]

6. `Shot by prince Rama's arrows, the Duthagara brother lid dead. The lady Meme Kambi having followed, comes up to the place [The two ogres lie dead in a pit with arrows through their chests; a female figure comes upon them.] A peacock, the national symbol of Burma, is depicted in gold on black at the end farthest from the arc, between the Ramayana episodes. The "deck" and the arc have raised gilded scroll-work and red, green and white mirror-glass arranged in rosettes and lines.

Carved hollow wood, coated with shwe-zawa work ( black thitsi-lacquer and gold leaf) enriched with small patines of thayo (moulded) and hman-zi shwe-cha (glass inlay) work.Descriptive lineSaung gauk, Burmese boat-shaped harp of thirteen strings and red silk tuning cords. Made of carved wood, coated in shwei zawa (black & gold thitsi-lacquer) work and enriched with small patines of thayo (relief moulded) hman-zi shwei-cha (glass inlay) work of red, green and white mirror-glass. With scenes from the Ramayana amidst foliate designs. ca. last quarter of the 19th century.

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)John Lowry Burmese Art London Her Majesty's Stationery Office 1974; Pl. 38
Sylvia Fraser-Lu Burmese Lacquerware The Tamarind Press Bangkok 1985; p. 138

Ralph Isaacs & T. Richard Blurton Visions from the Golden Land - Burma and the art of lacquer. British Museum Press 2000; Catalogue number and plate 128; p.177; (Catalogue of Exhibition of Burmese Lacquerware at the British Museum; Summer 2000).

Historical significance

The beautiful saung-gauk has a long history in Burma - from 10th century Pagan or earlier to the present day. Valued as an instrument that is played in a solo performance or popularly to accompany vocal presentations or purely as an ornament placed on its stand.

Attribution

NoteRalph Isaacs is of the opinion that this harp was possibly produced by the master craftsman, Hsaya Pa of Prome for the Indian Art Exhibition; Delhi 1902. See References below.

2010-03-20T11:49:00.003+08:00

A kamawa-sa (part of burmese shrine)

Place of origin -Mandalay (probably, made) Burma
Date - ca. 1885 (made )
Materials and Techniques - Stiffened cloth, red lacquered and gilded wood ( manuscript cover )
Dimensions - Length: 52.5 cm , Width: 9.8 cm
Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum, London
Museum number - IS.11:26 to N-1969
Gallery location - Buddhist Sculpture, room 18, case 3

Physical description

Nos 26 B to N
13 folios (kha-ga); single cord hole.
6 lines, 32 char., Pali. Burmese tamarind-seed large script in black lacquer.
Paginated with Burmese letters.
Interlines: decorated with snippets of gilt foliage.
Borders: decorated with gilt running acheik patterns.
Middle folio margins: (1.5 cm).; decorated with a repeating lotus pattern.
First folio recto: decorated with a series of 7 interlaced compartments filled with alternating deva and naga figures.

First folio verso: text within margins (11.5 cm) decorated with devas.
Second folio recto: mirrors preceeding side.
Penultimate folio verso: see first folio verso.
Final folio recto: mirrors preceeding side.
Final folio verso: see first folio recto.
Undated.
Nos. 26 & 26A
Pair of shaped kyan (binding boards); Decorated with wide margins of a leafy design and a series of 5 compartment with alternating hintha and deva figures [manuscript cover]

Descriptive line

A stiffened cloth Kamawa-sa (Burmese Buddhist Ms.) and pair of wood Kyan (binding boards). Pali text, tamarind seed script, lacquered and gilded with figurative and foliate decorative motifs. Late 19th or early 20th century.

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

John Lowry, Burmese Art, London Her Majesty's Stationery Office 1974, Pl. 1.

Ralph Isaacs & T. Richard Blurton, Visions from the Golden Land - Burma and the art of lacquer; British Museum Press 2000; Cat. & ill. 71

Attribution Note

No date but said to be found in 1885 at the palace in Mandalay.

Nitichandra, Arakan Coin 8th C

2010-03-17T14:48:00.003+08:00

Object - Coin

Materials- Silver

Production place - Arakan, minted in Burma

Date - 8thC

Current Location - British Museum, London

AuthorityRuler - Nitichandra

DescriptionSilver coin.
Acquisition date1957

Noticed a mistake? Have some extra information about this object?

Please leave a comments...

4th C Stone Funeral Urn

2010-02-19T12:53:00.003+08:00

18 March 1993, a large stone funeral urn was founded in Ancient City " Sriksetra ", the Hpaya Htaung excavation. Total 5 sentences contain 1127 words and 1.07 m Height. The inscription is fortunately not only in Pyu but Sanskrit as well, the script of which can be dated 4th Century. Inscribed around the stone funeral urn is a Pyu-Pali inscription in South Indian characters. The inscription identifies 7 names, presumably kings but the rest of words remain uncertain.

1 - Devamitra ( The Beloved of Gods )
ေဒဝ မိၾတ

2 - Harivikrama ( The Might of Visnu )
ဟရိ ဝိၾကမ

3 - Sihavikrama ( The Courage of Lion )
သီဟ ဝိၾကမ

4 - Suriyavikrama ( The Power of Sun )
သူရိယ ဝိၾကမ

5 -Crithuvikrama ( The Protection of Armour )
ျဂီထု ဝိၾကမ

6 - Jatratatavikrama ( The Terror of Race )
ဇၾတတတ ဝိၾကမ

7 - [A] dityavikrama ( The Glory of Sun Race )
အဒိတ် ဝိၾကမ

13th century plaque with 100 miniature Buddha images

2010-02-12T12:51:00.004+08:00

13th century plaque with 100 miniature Buddha images

13 Buddha Image Votive Tablet, 11th c. Pagan

Tablet from Taugaung with seated Buddha flanked by two standing Buddhas

Seated Buddha in Mahabodhi like shrine with Bodhi tree

Source: http://www.seasite.niu.edu/Burmese/Cooler/Chapter_3/Part4/Images/pagan_period_4.htm

Late 15th century burmese glazed plaque

2010-02-08T21:14:00.003+08:00

King Anawratha’s wife, Oueen Chipe Votive Tablet

2010-01-24T18:18:00.004+08:00

Burmese Votive Tablets by Dr. Richard M. Cooler

The most numerous and, perhaps, the most intimate objects from the Pagan period are the clay votive tablets that were stamped out and signed by many kings and nobles. The creation of these tablets, each displaying at least one image of the Buddha and some including over 100 images, was thought to produce good merit for its maker. The incentive for their creation is not in doubt, like so much concerning the Pagan Period, because many donors wrote and signed their intentions on the back of the tablet. King Anawratha’s tablets state that “This Buddha was made, with his own hands, by Sri Maharaja Aniruddhadeva, with the object of emancipation [i.e. gaining Nirvanna]”. Anawratha’s tablets had his tablets inserted into religious foundations throughout his kingdom.

The face of the tablet often displays a Buddha in bhumisparsa mudra seated within a temple that is similar to the one constructed at Bodhgaya, India, where the Buddha achieved enlightenment. Two lines of Sanskrit in North Indian characters of the 10^th to 11^th centuries is often imprinted below the Buddha images. This is a statement of the Buddhist creed in its most compressed and basic form: “The Buddha hath the causes told, Of all things springing from causes, And also how things cease to be, Tis this the Mighty Monk proclaims”.

Although the use of votive tablets at Pagan continued a tradition that originated in India and some tablets found in the two countries are identical, it is clear that votive plaques were created at Pagan because bronze and clay molds have been discovered there. Also, the Pagan donors signed many of the plaques in script.

11 - 13 Buddha Image Votive Tablet

Verso writing states

tablet made by King Anawratha’s

wife, Oueen Chipe

Ref: http://www.seasite.niu.edu/burmese/Cooler/Chapter_3/Part4/Images/pagan_period_4.htm

Votive seal 9-10th C ( Burma )

2010-01-23T10:37:00.002+08:00

This votive seal shows a seated Buddha expounding the law. It originated in Prome, Burma (now Myanmar), and dates to the Pyu period (9th to 10th century).

Subject - Votive seal

Place of origin - Burma ( Made )

Date - 9th- 10th Century ( Made )

Materials -Terracotta

Material and Techniques- Elliptical buff clay

Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum

Museum number- IS.130-199

Names founded in Tablets, Pagan 11 C

2010-01-10T00:07:00.007+08:00

Object - Votive plaque

Materials -Terracotta
Techniques - Impressed
Place of origin - Pagan , Burma ( Myanmar )

Current Location - British Museum

Date - 13thC

Dimensions - Height: 19.5 centimetres

Description
Votive plaque. Buddha beneath a triple arch and a parasol, in the earth-touching gesture. The tree is shown by branches with the Bodhi leaf. The small surrounding Buddhas in pearled niches with indications of a tree above and around them are a series of twenty-eight predecessors of the 'historical' Buddha. Two ‘stūpas’ fill spaces at the top, and a line of Burmese characters runs at the bottom of the impression. Inscribed with Burmese characters. Made of impressed terracotta.

Inscriptions
Inscription Type: inscription
Inscription Script: Burmese
Inscription Position: bottom
Inscription Comment: A line of Burmese characters runs at the bottom of the impression.

Curator's comments
Zwalf 1985

Another example of Burmese votive plaques of Indian type shows the Buddha beneath a triple arch and a parasol, in the earth-touching gesture associated with Bodh Gayā. The tree is shown by branches with the unmistakable Bodhi leaf. The small surrounding Buddhas in pearled niches with indications of a tree above and around them are a series of twenty-eight predecessors of the 'historical' Buddha. Two ‘stūpas’ fill spaces at the top, and a line of Burmese characters runs at the bottom of the impression.

===============================================================
The Tablets of the Bagan period have inscriptions mention such names as below list, I have typed myanmar fond to compare and you are required to download zawgyione fond to view myanmar fond.

Aniruddha ( King ?1044-?1077 ) အနိ ႐ုႏၶ ( ၁၀၄၄ - ၁၀၇၇ )
Anantajayabikram ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္အနႏၲဇယဗိၾကမ္
Ananda ( Thera ) အာနႏၵ
Taimila ဣတဲမိလ
Na` Gon` ငေဂါင္
Na` Chu`m ငဆုမ္
Na` Pay Pwam ငပယ္ပြမ္
Cipe ( Chief Queen ) စိေပမိဘုရားၾကီး
Ce Thoy No ေစေတာယ္ေနာ
Canduma`h (?Sam'pyan`) သံပ်င္စႏၵဳမား
Tiras တိရ္သ္
Tra'yya' (Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ၾတာယ်ာ
Tribhuvana'-dityadhammara`ja ( King Thiluin` Man` 1084- 1113 ) ၾတိဘုဝနာဒိ တ်ဓမၼရာဇာ ( ထိလိုင္မင္း ၁၀၈၄ - ၁၁၁၃ )
Tribhuvana`dityapavaradhammara`ja ( King Can'su' II, 1174-1211 ) ၾတိဘုဝနာ ဒိတ်ပဝရဓမၼရာဇ ( ဒုတိယ စည္သူမင္း ၁၁၇၄ - ၁၂၁၁ )
Tribhuvana`dityaavaradhammaraj'a ( King Can'su' I, 1113? - 1162 ) ၾတိဘုဝနာ ဒိတ်ပဝရဓမၼရာဇ ( ပထမ စည္သူမင္း ၁၁၁၃ - ၁၁၆၀ )
Trypa' ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ၾတာယ်ာ
Triloka'vatamsaka`maha`devi ( Chief Queen of Thiluin' Man ) ထိလိုင္မင္း မိဘုရားၾကီး ၾတိေလာကာဝတံသကာမဟာေဒဝီ
Diva`cariyena ( Thera) ေထရ ဒိဝါစရိေယန
Dhammara'japndita ( Thera ) ေထရဓမၼရာဇပ႑ိတ
Pi ( Kalan ) လလန္ ပိ
Puwa ( Kalan ) ကလန္ ပုဝ
Pintu` ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ ပိႏၲဴ
Pwon` ( Kalan ) ကလန္ ေပၼာင္
Ban'na'no ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ ဗညားေနာ
May Khray မယ္ျခယ္
May Pa` မယ္ပါ
Muggaliputta ( Thera ) ေထရမုဂၢလိပုတၱ
Mon` Uin` ေမာင္အိုင္
Mon` Keh Soau ေမာင္ေကးေသာ္
Mon` Khat ေမာင္ခတ္
Yassa ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ ယႆ
Ya`sohddhara`h ( Thera ) ယာေသားဒၶရာ
Yikhi` ယိခီ
La'n Yan` Len လါင္ယင္ေလန္
Vajra`bharanadeva (?King ? 1077- 1084 ) ဝျဇာဘရန ေဒဝ ( မင္း ၁၀၇၇- ၁၀၈၄ )
Visannara`c ( Sam`pyan`) သံပ်င္ ဝိသႏၷရာစ္
Sudhamma`h (Thera ) ေထရ သုဓမၼား
Sumedha ( Thera ) ေထရ သုေမဓ
Sri` Maha` Sa`lini` (? Queen ) မိဖုရားၿဂီီမဟာသာလိနီ

Among these names, Aniruddha was King of Arimaddhanapura ( Pagan ) in the 11th Century. Cipe of the same period claimed to be the Chief Queen ( Mahesi ), Perhaps she was Aniruddha's queen. Sri Maha Salini probably was of the royal family of Aniruddha as the prefixes Sri Maha to her names suggest. Divacariyena and Suddhammah were the names of two senior monks of that time.

Votive Tablet of Buddha Shakyamuni, circa 1050-1100

2009-12-28T13:33:00.004+08:00

Subject - Votive Tablet of Buddha Shakyamuni

Place of origin - Burma ( Myanmar )
Preiod - circa 1050-1100

Medium - Terracotta

Dimension - 5 1/2 x 4 3/8 in. (13.97 x 11.11 cm)

Current Location - Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA)

Museum no - (AC1997.72.1) Not currently on public view

Special note - Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Denis Robinson

2009-12-13T12:39:00.003+08:00

Object- Votive Tablet
Title- Votive Tablet, 12th century
Date- 12th century
Place of origin - Pegu, Burma
Techniques-Terracotta, deeply impressed from an intaglio mould
Dimensions- 3 3/8 x 2 3/8 x 3/8 in. (8.6 x 6 x 1 cm)

Current Location- Los Angeles County Museum of Art (LACMA)
Museum number- M.91.237 ( Not currently on public view )
Note - Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Haskia Hasson (M.91.237)

The votive is not really sharp and clear but I think it's does not look like 12th Century. It could be 14th Century.

11-12th C Burmese Votive at Harvard Art Museum

2009-12-06T17:41:00.005+08:00

Here , one more votive tablet from Harvard Art Museum. This is very similar to the votive from Victoria & Albert Museum, so I believe need not to describe. I saw 3 line of script at the bottom of votive and if anyone could add more information, please feel free to left comments.

Votive Plaque Depicting Seated Buddha, 12th Century
Harvard Art Museum/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Gift of Mr. and Mrs. Max Loehr, 1964.2

Votive Plaque (Sâccha) 11th C Burma, Pagan

2009-12-05T13:30:00.003+08:00

Object-Votive Plaque (Sâccha)
Title-Depicting Buddha in Bhumisparsa Mudra
Date-11th century, reign of King Aniruddha
Techniques-Terracotta, deeply impressed from an intaglio mould
Place-Pagan, Burma
Dimensions-13.3 x 9.5 x 0.9 cm (5 1/4 x 3 3/4 x 3/8 in.)

Current Location- Harvard Art Museum/Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Louis Sidney Thierry Memorial Fund, 1981.34
Museum number- 1981.34

This clay votive tablet, reportedly found at Pegu, Burma (now Myanmar), depicts the Buddha seated beneath the tower of the Mahabodhi temple at Bodh Gaya, in eastern India. He is seated in the Bhumisparsa Mudra pose with his right hand in the gesture of touching or witnessing the earth (bhumisparsa mudra), the gesture which more than any other represents the moment of his enlightenment.

He is flanked by seated figures of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara on the left and right. The branches of the Bodhi tree, under which the Buddha achieved enlightenment, branch out from the central niche. In the upper part of the tablet are a number of small votive stupas (the funeral mound which housed the Buddha's relics and which became the symbol of his transcendental form and the primary Buddhist momument). At the bottom is the two lines of a Buddhist prayer in the devanagari script. Clay votive tablets of the Buddha, quotes from Buddhist texts, and divine figures represent a significant element of the archaeological record of early Buddhist sites in Pagan period.
I am not ready to describe the script and remain uncertain for the time being.

Mengoon pagoda from N.W (Mingun)

2009-11-22T21:05:00.002+08:00

Physical description

This image shows the large square pagoda with huge cracks in the brick work running from the top of the building to the bottom.
Place of Origin - Burma
Date - August 1855 - November 1855 (photographed)
Artist/maker - Tripe, Linnaeus
Materials and Techniques - salted paper print froma waxed paper (calotype) negative

Object history note
This photograph was one of a series from 'Burma Views' which was presented to the V&A in July 1909 by Lady Ida Low, wife of Malcolm Low, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service and daughter-in-law of General Sri John Low. As a member of the Council of India in 1857, Sir John Low received the Burma Views (1857) set on 15th April 1857.

This photograph was published in the album Burma Views 1857, by Captain L. Tripe, official photographer to the Government of India's Mission to Ava [Burma]. Tripe made over 200 photographs during this trip, and the captions to the images are thought to be a collaboration between Tripe and the secretary to the Mission to Ava, Henry Yule.

Tripe’s Burma Views were distributed widely and were very well received. Tripe sent 50 copies to Calcutta. Fourteen sets from these were distributed by the Government of India, including seven sets to members of the Mission to Ava, former capital of Burma. Twenty sets were ordered by the East India Company’s Court of Directors, and most were given to members of the Court. It is not known what happened to the remaining sixteen sets. Due to Tripe’s ownership of the negatives, he printed a selection of his photographs for further distribution. A set of 92 views of Burma was given to the King of Prussia, and more sets were given to the Madras Photographic Society and associated figures. Two hundred and ninety additional prints were offered for sale at 2 Rupees per print at Griffiths and Co., Madras.

Historical context note
In April 1855 Lord Dalhousie, governor general of India, advised on a political trip to Amerapoora, Burma following the annexation of Pengu (part of Burma) by the British after the 1852 Anglo-Burmese war. Tripe was sent to accompany the party in 1855 as official photographer. The photographs he made during his stay resulted in his album of 122 images, Burma Views, published in 1857. These photographs result from this project, and have Tripe’s original numbering and titles on their mounts.

Descriptive line
Photograph, 19th century, No. 97 from series 'Burma Views' by Linnaeus Tripe, 'Mengoon. Pagoda from N. W.', albumen print, Burma, 1855

Labels and date - Mengoon Pagoda
Mengoon (Mingun), 1790–1819
By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)
Albumen print, 1855
Museum no. 1578-1909

This large brick pagoda was begun during the reign of King Bodawpaya but remained incomplete after his death in 1819. The brick base of the lower terrace is 36 metres high, one-third the size of the intended structure. In 1838 an earthquake reduced sections to rubble. [59 words]

Attribution Note
Edition number unknown. This print was probably made to go into the album 'Burma Views', of which 50 full sets were produced. Additional prints were produced by Tripe for different sets of Burma images.

1855 Bagan

2009-10-21T15:49:00.003+08:00

Physical description

A distant view of the landscape, with the ruins of many pagodas and built structures in the foreground. White in colour, the Gauda-Palen pagoda stands out in the distance. The Irrawaddy river and mountains are in the background.

Place of Origin - Burma

Date - Burma - August 1855 to November 1855 (photographed)
1857 (printed and published)

Artist/maker- Tripe, Linnaeus

Materials and Techniques - Salted paer print from waxed paper (calotype) negative

Object history note

This photograph was published in the album Burma Views 1857, by Captain L. Tripe, official photographer to the Government of India's Mission to Ava [Burma]. Tripe made over 200 photographs during this trip, and the captions to the images are thought to be a collaboration between Tripe and the secretary to the Mission to Ava, Henry Yule.

Tripe’s Burma Views were distributed widely and were very well received. Tripe sent 50 copies to Calcutta. Fourteen sets from these were distributed by the Government of India, including seven sets to members of the Mission to Ava, former capital of Burma. Twenty sets were ordered by the East India Company’s Court of Directors, and most were given to members of the Court. It is not known what happened to the remaining sixteen sets. Due to Tripe’s ownership of the negatives, he printed a selection of his photographs for further distribution. A set of 92 views of Burma was given to the King of Prussia, and more sets were given to the Madras Photographic Society and associated figures. Two hundred and ninety additional prints were offered for sale at 2 Rupees per print at Griffiths and Co., Madras.

Historical context note

In April 1855 Lord Dalhousie, governor general of India, advised on a political trip to Amerapoora, Burma following the annexation of Pengu (part of Burma) by the British after the 1852 Anglo-Burmese war. Tripe was sent to accompany the party in 1855 as official photographer. The photographs he made during his stay resulted in his album of 122 images, Burma Views, published in 1857. These photographs result from this project, and have Tripe’s original numbering and titles on their mounts

Descriptive line

Photograph, 19th century, No.10 of series 'Burma Views' by Linneaus Tripe, 'Pugahm Myo. Distant View of Gauda-palen', salted paper print, Burma, 1855

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.235.

Labels and date

Distant View of Gauda-palen (Gawdapalin)
Pugahm Myo (Bagan), 1180–1250
By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)

In this panoramic view, Tripe shows the extent to which the ruins of pagodas and temples were scattered along the Irrawaddy River, sometimes to a depth of three miles. He captures the graceful quality of the Gawdapalin pagoda or ‘Throne of Obeisance’ as it rises above the other ruins. [49 words]

Albumen print, 1855
Museum no. 1500-1909

Attribution Note

Edition number unknown. This print was probably made to go into the album 'Burma Views', of which 50 full sets were produced. Additional prints were produced by Tripe for different sets of Burma images.

Shape - rectangular

Subjects depicted - Buddhist

Categories - Photographs; Buddhism; Architecture

Production Type and Product Note - Limited edition

Collection code - IND

1852 Manuthiha at Shwe-Dagon Pagoda

2009-10-11T11:55:00.002+08:00

Manuthiha, Guardian at the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda; Corner of great pagoda

Object - Photograph Place of origin - Burma ( photographed Date - 1852 Artist/ Maker - McCosh, John (Dr) ( photographer ) Material and Techniques - Calotype Gallery Location - Victoria & Albert Museum, London ( In Store ) Museum number - 85 : 300

Physical description

This photograph shows a European man in uniform standing infront of a manuthiha, a seated creature with a human nead and the body of a lion.

Dimensions

Height: 15.8 cm (image)
Width: 12.7 cm (image)
Height: 33.2 cm (mount)
Width: 26.8 cm (mount)

Descriptive line

'Corner of great Pagoda' by John McCosh, calotype, Burma, 1850s

Labels and date

Manuthiha, Guardian at the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda
Rangoon (Yangon), About AD 600
By John McCosh (1805–85)

A manuthiha is a seated creature with a human head and the body of a lion. Believed to ward off danger, they are sometimes found guarding the corners of a pagoda. John McCosh was a doctor and amateur photographer stationed in Burma during the Anglo-Burmese War of 1852. This rare photograph is one of the earliest surviving images of the region. [60 words]

Albumen print, 1852–3
Museum no. 85,300

Shape - rectangular

Subjects depicted - Buddhist

Categories - Photographs; Buddhism

Collection code - IND

2009-10-11T11:28:00.003+08:00

Ruined Tazoung, Tsagain Myo (Sagain)

2009-10-10T16:44:00.004+08:00

Ruined Tazoung, Tsagain Myo (Sagain)

Object-Photograph

Place of origin -Sagai, Burma

Date -August 1855 to November 1855 (photographed)
1857 (printed and published)

Artist / Marker - Tripe, Linnaeus ( photographer )

Material and Techniques - Salted paper print from a waxed paper (calotype) negative

Gallery location - In Store, Victoria & Albert Museum

Museum number - 1511 - 1909

Physical description

This image is of a large wooden shrine. It has a tiered roof structure, the bottom section of the roof is badly damaged. Through the damaged roof and the missing wooden beams it is possible to see the the statue of a seated Buddha and attendant figues inside the shrine. There are several other pagodas and building in the background.

Dimensions

Height: 24 cm (within mount)
Width: 34.4 cm (within mount)
Height: 38 cm (mount)
Width: 49.5 cm (mount)

Object history note

Historical context note

Descriptive line

Photograph, 19th century, No. 30 from series 'Burma Views' by Linnaeus Tripe, 'Tsagain Myo. Ruined Tazoung', albumen print, Burma, 1855

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.244.

Labels and date

Ruined Tazoung
Tsagain Myo (Sagain)
By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)

A tazoung is an open-sided wooden pavilion housing a shrine to the Buddha, to which worshippers take offerings. Unlike the grand pagodas and temples that Tripe usually photographed, this evocative image captures the serenity of the Buddha figure in what is probably a simple roadside shrine. There are numerous tazoungs like this in the Burmese countryside. [56 words]

Attribution Note

Shape - rectangular

Subjects depicted -Buddhist

Categories- Photographs; Architecture; Buddhism

Production Type and Product Note - Limited edition

Collection code - IND

Nagayoung Pagoda, Amerapoora

2009-10-03T12:16:00.004+08:00

Nagayoung Pagoda, Amerapoora (နဂါး႐ံုဘုရား၊ အမရပူရ)

Object - Photograph
Place of origin - Burma (photographed)
Date - 1855
Artist/Maker- Tripe, Linnaeus (photographer)
Materials and Techniques - Albumen print from waxed paper (calotype) negative
Museum number- 1534-1909
Gallery location: Victoria & Albert Museum , In store

Physical description
This images shows the striking nagayoung pagoda. The large naga, or serpent, towers over the roof. There is an arched entrance to the left of the main structure. The sky area is very faint with very little colour tone.

Object history note
This photograph was one of a series from 'Burma Views' which was presented to the V&A in July 1909 by Lady Ida Low, wife of Malcolm Low, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service and daughter-in-law of General Sri John Low. As a member of the Council of India in 1857, Sir John Low received the Burma Views (1857) set on 15th April 1857. See Registry files for papers on acceptance of gift. See Dewan p.260 for listings of other copies of the same photograph elsewhere.
This photograph was published in the album Burma Views 1857, by Captain L. Tripe, official photographer to the Government of India's Mission to Ava [Burma]. Tripe made over 200 photographs during this trip, and the captions to the images are thought to be a collaboration between Tripe and the secretary to the Mission to Ava, Henry Yule.
Tripe’s Burma Views were distributed widely and were very well received. Tripe sent 50 copies to Calcutta. Fourteen sets from these were distributed by the Government of India, including seven sets to members of the Mission to Ava, former capital of Burma. Twenty sets were ordered by the East India Company’s Court of Directors, and most were given to members of the Court. It is not known what happened to the remaining sixteen sets. Due to Tripe’s ownership of the negatives, he printed a selection of his photographs for further distribution. A set of 92 views of Burma was given to the King of Prussia, and more sets were given to the Madras Photographic Society and associated figures. Two hundred and ninety additional prints were offered for sale at 2 Rupees per print at Griffiths and Co., Madras.

Historical context note
In April 1855 Lord Dalhousie, governor general of India, advised on a political trip to Amerapoora, Burma following the annexation of Pengu (part of Burma) by the British after the 1852 Anglo-Burmese war. Tripe was sent to accompany the party in 1855 as official photographer. The photographs he made during his stay resulted in his album of 122 images, Burma Views, published in 1857. These photographs result from this project, and have Tripe’s original numbering and titles on their mounts.

Descriptive line
Photograph, 19th century, No. 53 from series 'Burma Views' by Linnaeus Tripe, 'Amerapoora. Nagayoung Pagoda', albumen print, Burma, 1855
Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)
Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.260.
Labels and date
Nagayoung Pagoda (Nagayon) Amerapoora (Amarapura), 1800–50 By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)
The large naga, or serpent, towering over the roof gives this white stone pagoda its name. It shelters the central shrine containing a Buddha image, while two long nagas border the staircase. The pagoda symbolises the story of the Naga Mucalinda, who is said to have sheltered the Buddha during a storm.
Albumen print, 1855 Museum no. 1534-1909

Attribution Note
Edition number unknown. This print was probably made to go into the album 'Burma Views', of which 50 full sets were produced. Additional prints were produced by Tripe for different sets of Burma images.

Techniques -Calotype

Subjects depicted - Buddhist
Categories -Photographs; Architecture; Buddhism
Collection code -IND

1855 Burma Landscape

2009-09-27T10:20:00.004+08:00

Colossal Statue of the Gautama close to the N.end of the wooden bridge

Object - Photographed

Place of origin - Burma (Photographed)

Date- 1855 Artist/Maker - Tripe, Linnaeus ( photographer ) Materials and Techniques- Salted paper print from waxed paper ( calotype )negative Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum Museum number - 1527 - 1909 Gallery Location - In Store

Physical description

A colossal stone figure of the Buddha surrouned by trees and small zedi (stupas/pagodas).

Date

August 1855 to November 1855 (photographed)
1857 (printed and published)

Dimensions

Height: 249 mm (photographic print)
Width: 341 mm (photographic print)

Object history note

This photograph was one of a series from Burma Views which was presented to the V&A in July 1909 by Lady Ida Low, wife of Malcolm Low, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service and daughter-in-law of General Sri John Low. As a member of the Council of India in 1857, Sir John Low received the Burma Views (1857) set on 15th April 1857.
See Registry files for papers on acceptance of gift.
See Dewan p.255 for listings of other copies of the same photograph elsewhere.

Historical context note

Descriptive line

Photograph, 19th century, No.46 from series 'Burma Views' by Linneaus Tripe, 'Colossal Statue of Gautama close to the N.end of the wooden bridge', salted paper print, 1855

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.255.

Labels and date

Colossal Statue of the Gautama Buddha
Amerapoora (Amarapura), 1786
By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)

Measuring 11.4 metres in height, this figure sits in the pose of bhumisparsha mudra, in which the Buddha calls the earth goddess to witness his enlightenment. It acquired the popular name ‘Left in the Sun Image’ as it did not originally have a roof over it. Now sheltered, it is known as the Taung-min-Gyi Buddha.

Subjects depicted - Tree, Pagodas; Buddha

Production Type and Product Note -Limited edition

Collection code - IND

2009-09-21T20:33:00.002+08:00

Object-Photograph
Place of origin-Burma (photographed)
Date-1855
Artist/Maker- Tripe, Linnaeus (photographer)
Materials and Techniques-Salted paper print from waxed paper (calotype) negative
Museum number-1596-1909

Shwe-Dagon is the most important pagoda and pilgrimage site in Myanmar. The structure dates from about 600 AD. In this near view, the main zedi (pagoda) is covered in a scaffolding of bamboo. The structure was put up to enable the regilding of the zedi with gold leaf, an operation that routinely happens to this day. The trees in the foreground are today replaced with a wide forecourt dotted with smaller zedi and shrines.
Linneaus Tripe created one of earliest photographic records of Burma (Myanmar). His reputation as a photographer developed in India where he was employed in the East India Company army. Appointed to accompany the first British diplomatic mission to Burma in 1855, he was instructed to record information about the country. Tripe took over 100 images, demonstrating his skill in observation and composition. He used calotypes or paper negatives, which gave the prints a ‘soft-focus’ look.
Physical description
This image shows one large zedi (pagoda) with several smaller ones nearby. The main zedi is covered in a scaffolding of bamboo. There are trees surrounding the structures.

Object history note

This photograph was one of a series from 'Burma Views' which was presented to the V&A in July 1909 by Lady Ida Low, wife of Malcolm Low, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service and daughter-in-law of General Sri John Low. As a member of the Council of India in 1857, Sir John Low received the Burma Views (1857) set on 15th April 1857. See Registry files for papers on acceptance of gift. See Dewan p.255 for listings of other copies of the same photograph elsewhere.
This photograph was published in the album Burma Views 1857, by Captain L. Tripe, official photographer to the Government of India's Mission to Ava [Burma]. Tripe made over 200 photographs during this trip, and the captions to the images are thought to be a collaboration between Tripe and the secretary to the Mission to Ava, Henry Yule.
Tripe’s Burma Views were distributed widely and were very well received. Tripe sent 50 copies to Calcutta. Fourteen sets from these were distributed by the Government of India, including seven sets to members of the Mission to Ava, former capital of Burma. Twenty sets were ordered by the East India Company’s Court of Directors, and most were given to members of the Court. It is not known what happened to the remaining sixteen sets. Due to Tripe’s ownership of the negatives, he printed a selection of his photographs for further distribution. A set of 92 views of Burma was given to the King of Prussia, and more sets were given to the Madras Photographic Society and associated figures. Two hundred and ninety additional prints were offered for sale at 2 Rupees per print at Griffiths and Co., Madras
Historical context note
In April 1855 Lord Dalhousie, governor general of India, advised on a political trip to Amerapoora, Burma following the annexation of Pengu (part of Burma) by the British after the 1852 Anglo-Burmese war. Tripe was sent to accompany the party in 1855 as official photographer. The photographs he made during his stay resulted in his album of 122 images, Burma Views, published in 1857. These photographs result from this project, and have Tripe’s original numbering and titles on their mounts.
Descriptive line
Photograph, 19th century, No. 115 from series 'Burma Views' by Linnaeus Tripe, 'Rangoon. Near view of the [Shwe Dagon] Pagoda', albumen print, Burma, 1855
Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)
Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.307.
Labels and date
Near View of the Shwe-Dagon Pagoda Rangoon (Yangon), About AD 600 By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)
Shwe-Dagon is the most important pagoda and pilgrimage site in Myanmar. Here, the main zedi is covered in a scaffolding of bamboo. The structure was put up to enable the regilding of the zedi with gold leaf, an operation that routinely happens to this day. The trees in the foreground are today replaced with a wide forecourt dotted with smaller zedi and shrines. [63 words]
Albumen print, 1855 Museum no. 1596-1909
Associated names - Tripe, Linnaeus

Attribution Note
Edition number unknown. This print was probably made to go into the album 'Burma Views', of which 50 full sets were produced. Additional prints were produced by Tripe for different sets of Burma images.

Photographs; Architecture; Buddhism
Production Type and Product Note
Limited edition

1855 Burma Landscape

2009-09-20T22:21:00.004+08:00

West Entrance to the Shwe-San-dau pagoda, Prome

Object - Photograph
Place of origin - Burma ( made )
Date - 1855
Artist/Maker - Tripe, Linnaeus (photographer)
Materials and Technique - Salted paper print from waxed paper (calotype) negative
Current Location - Victoria & Albert Museum
Museum number - 1485 -1909
Gallery Location - In Store

Physical description

This image shows the entrance to the pagoda (zedi/stupa). Just visible behind the tiered roof structure of of the entrance is the wide spire of the pagoda. Unlike Indian or Sri Lankan stupas, the Burmese zedi were constructed so that worshipers could enter the sacred space.

The entrance is surrouned by other built stuctures and trees and foliage.

Object history note

This photograph was one of a series from Burma Views which was presented to the V&A in July 1909 by Lady Ida Low, wife of Malcolm Low, Esq., of the Bengal Civil Service and daughter-in-law of General Sri John Low. As a member of the Council of India in 1857, Sir John Low received the Burma Views (1857) set on 15th April 1857.
See Registry files for papers on acceptance of gift.
See Dewan p.222 for listings of other copies of the same photograph elsewhere.

Historical context note

Descriptive line

Photograph, 19th century, No 3 from series 'Burma Views' by Linneaus Tripe, 'Prome. West Entrance to the Shwe San-dau Pagoda', salted paper print, Burma, 1855

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Dewan, Janet. The Photographs of Linnaeus Tripe: A Catalogue Raisonné. Toronto: Art Gallery of Ontario, 2003, p.222.

Labels and date

West Entrance to the Shwe-San-dau Pagoda (Shwesandaw)
Prome (Pyay), 1100–1200
By Linnaeus Tripe (1822–1902)

Shwesandaw, said to enshrine hair relics of the Buddha, is one of the holiest pilgrimage sites in Prome. Unlike Indian or Sri Lankan stupas, the Burmese zedi were constructed so that worshipers could enter the sacred space. This image shows the wide spire of the stupa or zedi just visible in the background, behind the tiered structure of the entrance.

Albumen print, 1855
Museum no. 1485-1909

Associated names - Tripe, Linnaeus

Attribution Note

Subjects depicted -Buddhist

Categories - Photographs; Architecture; Buddhism

Production Type and Product Note - Limited edition

Collection code - IND

Nagri-Sanskrit

2009-08-08T15:13:00.005+08:00

Chris allowed me to post this Unique photo in my blog. He have taken this photo in V&M museum, because of unusual portion.

I can confirm that the " Mudra " is " Dhamacarkranmudra" .

Asanas is " Pralambana`sana ". This mudra and asanas have been confirmed that since Pyu, about 4-5 AD. As Chris said, this pieces is unusual but its' not rare.

ye dhamma` hetuppabuava`

tesam hetum tatha`gato

a`ha tesan` ca yo nirodho

evamva`di maha`samano

which is means

The condition which arise from a cause, of these the Tatha`gata has stated the cause, also the way of suppressing these same: this is the teaching of the Great Ascetic ( Buddha ).

Source : http://www.flickr.com/photos/301202/3353372310/

Chris, Ancient traveller who loves art, reading, food( no meat or alcohol though), opera, cinema

Antique Vs Art- Burma

Drawings from the Burmese court at Mandalay

Ancient Arakan by Pamela Gutman

Arakan, a Buddhist Kingdom of Southeast Asia

SHORT PIPE ( Late 18th C Burmese Classic Poem)

Jasmine (19th C Burmese Classical Poem by U Pon Nya)

Dr Elizabeth Moore

Ruined Temple in Burma 2

Ruined Temple in Burma 1

Glazed Decorative of Bagan Temples

Disapramuk Inscreption, A.D. 1285 ( Bagan, Burma )

19th C Occultism -- Burma

14-15th C Burma Ceramic Plate

Burma Karen Rain Drum

Burmese Tattoo Manual

19th C Burmese Tattoo Manual

Burmese Tattoo Manual 19th C

19th C Burmese Tatoo

8th - 10th C Pyu Buddha Votive plaque

Christies's SEA Modern and Contemporary Art Preview in S'pore

TAGUNDAING 19th C

Mi-gyaung (Burmese Musical Instrument )

Burmese Nat with 6 arms

SUMEDHA

19th C Burma Ogre

MANOUKTHIHA ( Lion with Guardian Head )

Burmese Earth Goddess

LOKANAT

KINNARA & KINNARI

Burmese Orge ( BILU )

Journal of Burma Studies - Volume 13

Journal of Burma Studies - Volume 13

Kirichenko, Alexey, From Ava to Mandalay: Toward Charting the Development of Burmese Yazawin Traditions

Andrew Huxley, Three Nineteenth-Century Law Book Lists: Burmese Legal History from the Inside

Ralph Isaacs, Rockets and Ashes: Pongyibyan as Depicted in Nineteenth-and Twentieth Century European Sources

Burma Studies Conference 2010: Burma in the Era of Globalization

Burmese PARABAIK- SHAN SERMON BOOK

Pagan Standing Buddha, 11th C Burma, Bagan

Tribal Hnyìn ( Burma )

Tünak , Tribal Musical Instrument ( Burma )

Burmese Saùng-Gauk

Lady Figure Hanging, Kalaga

A kamawa-sa (part of burmese shrine)

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Attribution Note

Nitichandra, Arakan Coin 8th C

4th C Stone Funeral Urn

13th century plaque with 100 miniature Buddha images

Late 15th century burmese glazed plaque

Object - Plaque

Historical context note

Descriptive line

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Attribution Note

King Anawratha’s wife, Oueen Chipe Votive Tablet

Votive seal 9-10th C ( Burma )

Subject - Votive seal

Materials -Terracotta

Physical description - A votive seal with a seated Buddha expounding the law.

Descriptive line - A votive seal with a seated Buddha expounding the law, Pyu, Prome, Burma.

Names founded in Tablets, Pagan 11 C

Votive Tablet of Buddha Shakyamuni, circa 1050-1100

11-12th C Burmese Votive at Harvard Art Museum

Votive Plaque (Sâccha) 11th C Burma, Pagan

Mengoon pagoda from N.W (Mingun)

1855 Bagan

Physical description

Place of Origin - Burma

Artist/maker- Tripe, Linnaeus

Materials and Techniques - Salted paer print from waxed paper (calotype) negative

Object history note

Historical context note

Descriptive line

Bibliographic References (Citation, Note/Abstract, NAL no)

Labels and date

Attribution Note

Shape - rectangular

Subjects depicted - Buddhist

Categories - Photographs; Buddhism; Architecture

Production Type and Product Note - Limited edition